Time to start a new standalone post, though as always most of what I publish will be in the comments section. I'll be continuing work on the Eskaleut origins of Tungusic words, and the sound laws that link them.
To briefly recap the latest mega-discoveries, I began with a new model for the birth of the Altaic languages as creoles that are mostly Samoyedic (in the Uralic family), with a crucial Yeniseian influence / phonotactic filter. This was partly about historical sound changes, but largely lexical, showing how Proto-Turkic in particular is "Sayan Samoyedic with a Yeniseian accent". But it created an Altaic foundation which the other two families used as well, Monogolic / Para-Mongolic, and Tungusic.
Then in the middle of that, I happened upon the mother of all secret passageways in Altaic studies -- Tungusic used to be a member of the Eskaleut family, which up until now has thought to be entirely confined to the New World, namely the Arctic New World, mostly the Eskimo branch, but also Aleut in the Aleutian Islands. The more I unearth the etymologies, the more it looks like Tungusic is mostly Eskaleut, and owes only a minor part of its nature to the Altaic foundation. It can still be considered a creole, neither pure this or pure that, but the influence and inheritance from its Eskaleut side is pervasive.
This represents a new contribution to the discoveries about linguistic connections between Siberia and the northern New World, such as Vajda's discovery of the sibling status between Yeniseian in Siberia and the Na-Dene family mainly in Northwest America (with a major recent spread into the American Southwest). I already added to that specific family in the past year or so, by showing that Japonic belongs to it as well. But this latest discovery of mine, about Tungusic being Eskaleut, provides a whole new link between Siberia and Northwest America.
Without rehearsing every single point made in the previous comment section, here are they key principles and sound laws:
The main problem that faced the speakers of Proto-Tungusic, was that the Altaic foundation came from Uralic, which is a half-sibling to their own native tongue, Eskaleut. If they let the two intermix willy-nilly, the outcome would be inbred and confusing. So, they made a concerted effort to distinguish these two sources of lexical items, when forming the lexicon of their new creole, Tungusic.
The Altaic base resulted from the Eastern Steppe nomad confederations of the 1st millennium BC (such as the Deer Stones culture), who were victorious in driving out the Indo-Iranian apocalyptic charioteer cult that had laid siege to the Sayan Mountain gate during the Andronovo era. As victors and protectors of the region, their new Samoyedic-Yeniseian creole enjoyed prestige among other residents of the Eastern Steppe, all the way east into Manchuria and the Amur region.
As such, Tungusic deferred to the Altaic foundation when separating its lexicon into two source. Words of Uralic origin would keep their Altaic form, while words of native local Eskaleut origin would be systematically altered, though still recognizable. Both Uralic and Eskaleut have a redundancy in their consonant series, where stops are voiceless and fricatives are voiced. Uralic-origin words preserved this redundancy. Eskaleut-origin words inverted this redundancy, but still kept a redundancy, to please their Eskaleut ears -- now the stops would be voiced, and fricatives would be voiceless. This creates a complimentary distribution between the two sources of words, allowing them to keep them separate.
The only major change to the phoneme inventory involved the uvular consonants from Eskaleut, since Uralic does not have consonants in this place. Briefly, "q" -> "g" and "ʀ" -> "r" in Tungusic. For the vowels, "ə" -> "e", although subject to moving due to vowel harmony.
At the earliest stage, vowel harmony seems to have been the imported Uralic pattern, since Eskaleut has no vowel harmony of its own, based on front vs. back. This may have changed over time, toward the typical Tungusic pattern based on high-front vs. low-back. This is a minor quibble to me at this point, so I'm just using front-back as a guideline.
Phonotactically, the major change was adopting a Uralic word-shape of CVCCV, perhaps involving deletion of a V between the medial C's in an Eskaleut root, or metathesizing the final two segments of an Eskaleut root of shape CVCVC. Also, new Uralic phonotactic rules for the nature of that medial consonant sequence, e.g. if there's a liquid, it must be the 1st of the sequence in Uralic, but not necessarily in Eskaleut, requiring metathesis or feature-alteration.
One other important sound change is deletion of voiced velar consonants between vowels, including Eskaleut "ɣ" and "ŋ", as well as voiced "w"-like "v" between vowels. Intervocalic velar deltion occurred in New World Eskaleut, and in the other Altaic languages, especially Turkic. Intervocalic deletion of "v" occurred in New World Eskaleut.
At the end of this initial process of adopting the Altaic foundation, and separating the two sources of words, these sound changes stopped. The job was done. However, words don't stop entering the lexicon just cuz the major initial stage has been completed. Late-coming words do not appear to show these sound changes as much, whether they're from Uralic or Eskaleut origin. This allows us to date when words entered the lexicon. It's similar to Ancient Greek, where earlier "s" -> "h", so if you see "s", that word is probably a late-comer to Greek, after that law ceased operating.
Specifically, the descendants of Proto-Samoyedic had already weakened "p" toward "x" / "h", possibly further deleting the weak consonant and yielding null. This was inherited into Turkic the strongest, where earlier "p" is null, while Mongolic and Tungusic held onto the "x" / "h" forms. Also, Tungusic changed "p" -> "b" in its Eskaleut layer, as part of the effort to distinguish Uralic from Eskaleut origin. Both of those laws erase "p".
And yet, there's still a decent amount of "p"-initial words in Proto-Tungusic -- these must be late-comers, regardless of their source. And indeed they are from less important word classes and semantic fields, unlike the crucial classes and semantic fields that show the sound changes of "p" -> "x" (Uralic) and "p" -> "b" (Eskaleut). They were lexical afterthoughts, late-minute filler, flourishes, secondary / learned / extended meanings, and so on.
There are also a handful of "t"-initial words of Eskaleut origin, entering the lexicon after the "t" -> "d" change in the Eskaleut layer. They join the words of Uralic origin, which never altered "t" in the first place.
One major common problem / shibboleth of Eskaleut and Tungusic, is palatalization of both alveolar "t" -> "c" and velar "k" -> "c", before "i" or even "ə" ("e" in Tungusic). Uralic / Samoyedic did not take part in this, let alone to such an obsessive extent. In Proto-Eskimo, no words begin with "ti", so they must have been palatalized to "ci" by the P-E stage. There are even gaps in the "tə" space, so some of those must have been sent to "cə". However, there are basically no words with "cə", so those also must have been raised to "ci", an overflowing container in P-E.
Thankfully, this palatalization of "t" and raising of "ə" was far less extensive in Old World Eskaleut, i.e. the non-Altaic parent in the Tungusic creole. So some cognates between Old World and New World Eskaleut clearly have "t" in Tungusic, vs. "c" in Eskimo, revealing that they used to begin with "t" rather than "c" in Eskimo, before the Proto stage.
Tungusic does not have "c", and it treated Eskaleut sources differently, seemingly based on chronology, although maybe there's some phonological conditioning that I can't see just yet. At the early stage, or certainly preceding non-palatal vowels, "c" -> "s", much like in several New World descendants of Eskimo. As mentioned, Tungusic did not palatalize "t" to "c" in some cases, so that source of "c" was avoided.
However, another source of "c" was earlier "ki" or "ke" (from "kə" in Eskaleut), which had been palatalized as well. Even among late-entering words, where initial "k" is preserved, there are no Tungusic words with "ke" or "ki" -- they must have been sent somewhere else, and there are a bunch of words beginning with "ʒ" (voiced palatal affricate), so they must have gone there. Eskimo did not palatalize "k", and there are many words beginning with "ki" and "kə". This palatalization of "k" is strictly Tungusic, and reflects the compresses phoneme inventory that happened when the uvular consonants of Eskaleut had to be squeezed into the Uralic-esque phoneme space, where the furthest-back place is velar.
Since "k" already has unaltered Uralic-origin words, and since that is an incredibly common consonant in Uralic, this container was going to be overflowing. So in some cases, "k" -> "x" in the Eskaleut layer, part of the inversion of the consonant feature redundancy, which produced voiceless fricatives and voiced stops. This seems to be the early stage.
Late-entering words, though, still tried to avoid overflowing "k", and palatalized them to "c" before "e" or "i" -- but since "c" doesn't exist in Tungusic, these were then voiced to "ʒ", in the same place. That keeps the change within the overarching inversion of feature redundancy, since an earlier "k" maps to a voiced stop / affricate.
Also worth noting that in late-coming words with initial "t", where "t" was preserved rather than voiced to "d", palatalization was still an active threat, and could have resulted in "t" -> "c", unlike "d", since voiced consonants do not palatalize as easily as voiceless ones. But even "d" palatalized would result in "ʒ", which would merge earlier "d" and "k", creating homophones and confusion. Since "c" is an empty container, earlier "t" words palatalized to "c" would therefore be mapped further into "ʒ". But that would have merged earlier "t" and "k" before palatal vowels, creating homophones and confusion. So, to prevent this homophone problem, the triggering palatal vowels "e" and "i" were rounded to "ö" and "ü", since round vowels tend to impede palatalization (too difficult to articulate both rounded lips and flexing the tongue tip toward the palate).
What I have not yet fully determined, is the origin of Tungusic words beginning with unusual nasals, "ń" and "ŋ". My brief look says they are either shifted from an earlier "n", or are nasalization of an oral consonant in the same place, like "k" -> "ŋ", since "k" was overflowing and had to be mapped elsewhere. They are not merely conditioned by the following vowel, as though "ń" only appeared before front vowels -- both of these nasals appear before all the vowels of Tungusic. If anything, "ń" is *less* likely to appear before a front vowel, so it could be a nasalized "c", for all I know.
To summarize the major sound changes in the Eskaleut layer of Tungusic. Remember, this is from Proto-Eskaleut, that is the shared ancestor between the Old World and New World branches. Since the New World branch palatalized "t" to "c" before "ə" or "i" already in its proto-stage, sometimes there's a correspondence between NW "c" and OW "t", due to NW palatalization of "t", and other times where NW "c" corresponds to OW "s", due to OW feature redundancy inversion (producing voiceless fricatives and voiced stops / affricates). Voiced fricatives from Eskaleut were mostly hardened to stops, as part of the inversion of feature redundancy.
Vowels:
"ə" -> "e" (subject to vowel harmony)
Consonants, voiceless stops:
"p" -> "b"
"t" -> "d"
"c" -> "s"
"k" -> "x" (early?, unconditional?)
"k" -> "ʒ" (late?, before "ə" or "i")
"q" -> "g"
Consonants, voiced fricatives:
"v" -> "b"
"ð" -> "d"
"ɣ" -> "g"
"ʀ" -> "r"
With all that said, today will see more etymologies, covering some of the "ʒ" words, including another numeral, the 4 seasons... and another massive hunting trophy, the Altaic sky-god's name Tengri. Stay tuned! ^_^
P-T "abdu" = "cattle, herd; household, property; cloth, fabric"
ReplyDeleteP-E "avðiʀ" = "to hinder, protect", "avðaʀ" = "hindrance, protection"
The first 2 senses of "abdu" are "possessions", which in a nomadic society are livestock, and then the generic "property". Your possessions are things that you protect, so they stay yours and you get to benefit from them, rather than someone else rustling your livestock, stealing your jewelry, etc. You also protect your household as a whole. These sense have a passive role -- "things that are protected".
"Cloth, fabric" protects what it covers, at least from the elements, but also spilled food or liquids, weapons, and so on. This has an active role -- "things that protect".
Eskaleut verbal bases are ambitransitive, so they can refer to either active / passive or causative / anticausative, with those distinctions only spelled out by further overt postbases. Here, there are none, so it could mean both "things that are protected" and "things that protect".
"v" -> "b", "ð" -> "d", "ʀ" is the meaningless absolute case marker for the dictionary listing, yielding "abda".
There is no reason for the final "a" to raise to "u", under any theory of vowel harmony. Rather, I propose the "u" is from a fossilized case ending -- and what case could be more appropriate for "possessions" than the possessive case? In the absolute case, it's "vut" for the first-person possessor, plural possessed things. The original combination was something like "abdavut", meaning "our possessions", "our property".
"v" -> 0 between vowels, word-final C deleted since there's no way to work it into the Uralic / Tungusic word shape of CVCCV. That yields "abdau", still containing the 2nd "a" instead of just being "u", so there is a remaining irregularity to be accounted for -- but at least I got the "u" in there.
In any case, it's clear that the P-T word was inherited from Eskaleut, and with a fossilized case ending to boot. This is even stronger evidence that Tungusic is heavily Eskaleut in origin -- otherwise, it would borrow a word in its bare form, not with a fossilized bound morpheme like "our".
*1st-person plural possessor
ReplyDeleteYou could say the sequence "au" resolved into "u" by the "u" being the more important vowel, to signal possessive case, but usually that would result in compensatory lengthening of the deleted vowel. And yet it's a short "u", not long, so there's still an irregularity in that final vowel. I will leave this 99% solved for now.
ReplyDeleteFixed the final 1% on "abdu". In P-T, long vowels can only appear in the 1st syllable of a root. Suffixes can have long vowels, but not root syllables after the 1st. Since the "u" is a fossilized segment of a case ending, not a productive case ending assembled on-the-fly, "abdau" is treated as an atomic root, not root + suffix. Since "au" is not the 1st syllable, it can't be long.
ReplyDeleteSo the "u" was more important to preserve, as it was the fossilized possessive ending, and it simply replaced the "a", with no compensatory lengthening.
P-T "aŋaʒukān" = "orphan, widow", suffix "kān", root "aŋaʒu"
ReplyDeleteP-E "aŋayunʀuq" = "co-in-law", "aŋayukliʀ" = "oldest one", "aŋayuq(q)aʀ" = "parent or leader", "aŋayuɣ" = "elder sibling of same sex"
The root of the Eskimo words is "aŋayu" and it means "to be elder, senior", and the various endings specify what kind of "elder kin relation" it is.
However, the P-T word clearly means "to lack" -- or rather, "to have lost or been deprived of" -- elder or senior kin (husband being an elder / senior role, relative to wife).
There's a "deprived of" postbase in P-E, "i(ʀ)", which is the stronger version of the "lacking" postbase "it". It attaches to a noun X, and produces a verb meaning "to have lost / been deprived of X". It still requires a nominalizer ending, which in P-T is "kān". So we're just trying to get P-T "aŋaʒu" from P-E "aŋayu + [noun ending] + i(ʀ)".
In several branches of Eskimo, P-E "y" hardened to voiced sibilant "z" or affricate "ʒ". That's what happened in the Eskaleut precursor to Tungusic, "y" -> "ʒ".
Since the Eskaleut word is so multisyllabic, and Uralic / Tungusic wants word shape CVCCV, or at most CVCVCV, there was a lot of compression that was going to happen. So they must have taken the elder kin term that was the simplest, "aŋayuɣ", for the base. Then, "to have lost the elder kin member" = "aŋayuɣi". If it had final "ʀ", that would have been deleted in the compression, as there are already 3 C's.
"y" -> "ʒ", "ɣ" -> 0 between vowels, non-initial syllable cannot be long, so sequence "ui" resolved into "u" to respect vowel harmony with the other V's, which are back "a" (contra front "i"). That yields "aŋaʒu", which takes the nominalizer suffix "kān" to yield "aŋaʒukān", QED.
This is a very bizarre word in P-T, as it begins with a vowel, has only exotic segments "ŋ" and "ʒ" in its root, and is quite multisyllabic. The fact that its root so closely matches the shared multisyllabic base of those Eskimo "elder kin" terms is no coincidence -- Tungusic inherited it from Eskaleut.
However, it did not inherit the P-E word for "orphan" = "əłiɣaʀ(aʀ)". Rather, its Old World Eskaleut precursor had assembled a word of its own, using different Eskaleut morphemes, and passed this phrase onto its Tungusic creole descendant.
P-T "ʒȫr" = "two", with long vowel suggesting a deleted consonant
ReplyDeleteP-E "kəvɣaʀ" = "messenger, helper", "kəvəɣ" = "to lift", P-I "kəvɣumiaq" = "to carry in arms"
The P-E noun "helper" derives from the verbs meaning "lift" or "carry", i.e. to be the physical support which elevates the superior to his high status.
Playing such a crucial role as the supporter of the #1 guy in a social pyramid, entitles that person to be called "number 2", as in English.
Although Latin does not use figures of speech to coin the cardinal number for 2, it does for the ordinal "secundus", which is where English gets "second" from. It's derived from the verb for "to follow", referring to the role of the "second in command" as a "follower" rather than "supporter" ("upholder, etc."). Still, alluding to some key role played by #2 toward #1. If nobody followed the #1, there'd be total mutiny or no corps to begin with.
"ə" -> "e", "ʀ" -> "r", yielding "kevɣar".
Since Tungusic tries to separate Uralic vs. Eskaleut origin, Eskaleut "k" cannot remain. The main option was to soften it to "x", but the strategy with other Eskaleut voiceless stops was to voice them. However, "k" can't go to "g", since that's already taken by Eskaleut "q". Softening it to "x" threatens to overflow the very full container of "x"-initial words in P-T, some of which are of Uralic origin anyway, as weakenings of "p".
What else can it do? Here it is tempting to palatalize "k" before high-ish front vowel "e". It did this, sending "k" -> "c", but it still has to voice it so that Eskaleut roots are either voiced stops or voiceless fricatives. So it voiced "c" -> "ʒ", yielding "ʒevɣar".
"v" absorbed onto the "e" as a labial / rounding element. This is to minimize the number of C's in Uralic / Tungusic word shape. That yields "ʒöɣar".
"ɣ" -> 0 between vowels, sequence "öa" resolved by 2nd V absorbed into 1st, with compensatory lengthening (allowed, since it's 1st syllable), yielding "ʒȫr", QED.
This is not cognate with the P-E word for "two" = "malʀuɣ". But as I keep saying, numeral systems are just a kind of technology (for counting), they can be replaced entirely (mostly what happened in Japanese, which only kept native words for "4" and "7", and replaced the rest with Chinese loans).
And yet, just cuz the Old World and New World branches of Eskaleut chose different figures of speech, the NW word isn't so dissimilar -- it's based on the same semantics as Latin "secundus". In P-E, "mal" belongs to words relating to "follow" and "pursue", e.g. "maliʀqə" = "to chase".
You can debate whether "follow" is intended to mean "next in sequence", or "obey orders", but certainly in the Tungusic case, "support" can only be the social rank metaphor. They had belonged to the nomadic Steppe confederations, and were primed to use military rank metaphors when devising their numeral system. So, "2" had to be "2nd in command", or "the guy who holds up the #1 guy".
Military terms to coin the names for numbers -- who said jocks and nerds can't be friends? ^_^
P-T "ʒegde" = "to burn". This is intransitive, like "it burns". With causative suffix "gi", it becomes "ʒegdegi" = "to set on fire, make it burn".
ReplyDeleteP-E "kəɣə" = "to bite", "kəɣiʀ" = "to be in pain", "kəɣðaɣ" = "to be rough", P-Y "kəɣ(ɣ)əvə" = "to chafe"
The simplest root is "kəɣ" relating to biting, then extended to refer to any sort of pain, and given another particular form of pain, based on friction like from surfaces that are rough or that chafe the skin.
In English, we refer to "rug burn" and "rope burn", linking intense friction and abrasion with burning. We also refer to little sparks of fire, or maybe a little splash of hot oil, that land on the skin, as feeling like "something bit me". Hell, even extreme cold feels like "frost bite" or "freezer burn".
Intense pain, regardless of the source, is treated the same. But "biting" and "burning" are two of the most common forms of intense pain, so they are easy cognates, which they are in this case.
The P-T word is intransitive, as in English when we say "my hand is burning" after touching something hot, not "the hot oil burned my hand" (that is grammatically correct, but the focus is on the source of the burning there, whereas pain tends to focus on the sufferer).
It looks like P-T chose an earlier Eskaleut form phonetically like P-E "kəɣðaɣ". From there:
"ə" -> "e", triggering the "k" -> "c" -> "ʒ" shift we saw before. "ɣ" -> "g", "ð" -> "d", final C deleted since there's already 3 C's, and "a" harmonized with front "e" by fronting to "e" as well (the lower of the front vowels, since "a" is low).
That yields "ʒegde", QED.
P-T "ʒuga" = "summer". Now we tackle the 4 seasons.
ReplyDeleteP-E "kiðaɣ" = "heat or summer", "kiððiʀ" = "sweat"
The OW Eskaleut precursor to Tungusic named "summer" as "the sweaty season". As I'll emphasize again for winter, Siberia has cloudy / rainy summers (part of the Asiatic Low-pressure system) and clear-sky / sunny winters (part of the Siberian High-pressure system). So summer is not just hot, but humid and therefore sweat-inducing.
"k" -> "c" -> "ʒ" before "i", "ð" -> "d", "ɣ" -> "g", yielding "ʒidag".
To fit standard word shape of CVCCV, "ag" metathesized to "ga", and "i" pulled back to harmonize with "a", becoming "u" (preserving high height), yielding "ʒudga".
The sequence "dg" is banned, although "gd" is fine. But perhaps only 1 metathesis is allowed per derivation, otherwise you can really play musical chairs and end up somewhere unrecognizable from the source. And that was already used up for "ag" -> "ga".
There's a sonority principle for what kind of medial sequences are allowed, where the 1st member wants to be a vowel, liquid, or nasal (except m). If both are stops, labials have priority as the 1st, then velars, then alveolars / palatals. Since "dg" has a low-priority alveolar as the 1st member, it just gets dropped. No medial sequence begins with "d", regardless of the 2nd member.
That leaves "ʒuga", QED.
Before going onto the other seasons, a brief note on when "k" -> "c" -> "ʒ". These look like later layers in the lexicon -- numerals are not basic, often borrowed, and seasonal terms are also not the most basic, subjec to shifting around or coining new epithets. "Burn" is the only basic word.
ReplyDeleteI think Tungusic took this strategy for dealing with Eskaleut "k" when the other option had already been exhausted, namely softening to "x". There are tons of "x"-initial words, even after removing those of Uralic origin (from earlier "p"). But not so many "ʒ"-initial words.
It's not just the phonological environment, like being before "e" or "i", since there are "xe" and "xi" words.
After awhile, they got worried about every word beginning with "x", not just from Eskaleut origins but Uralic as well. So they opted for a different strategy, which would still adhere to the "inversion of feature redundancy" to distinguish the Uralic vs. Eskaleut layers of the lexicon. Instead of making "k" a voiceless fricative like "x", they made it a voiced stop / affricate like "ʒ". Crisis averted.
Another mini-note on "ʒuga", why did the vowel harmony move the 1st V rather than 2nd? Why didn't "a" get pulled forward to harmonize with "i"?
ReplyDeleteWell, there's another phonotactic rule against "ʒi", whether initially or medially. There's "ʒü", which shows the round vowel blocking a rule related to palatalization, as mentioned earlier. So the rule is about dissimilating palatal consonant "ʒ" from palatal vowel "i", similar to the ban on "yi" in Japonic.
To avoid "ʒi", the word for "summer" had to shift the 1st V, so the 2nd V became the target rather than the mover.
P-T "ńeŋńe" and "nelki" = "spring season", with a metathesis between the velar and palatal C's of the medial sequence.
ReplyDeleteP-E "nəŋłinaʀ" = "to be cool", "nəŋłaʀ" = "to cool down", "nəŋłi" = "to be or get cold"
These share a more basic root "nəŋ" having to do with "tight", with "nəŋə" = "to stretch or lower a rope", and "nəŋ(ŋ)aʀ" = "to be angry" (lots of tension, "wound up tight" in English, taut muscles, etc., linking "anger" with "cold" or "frozen" instead of the usual "hot").
So, the cold season is also one where things become hard and inflexible, due to freezing over, making them tight and rigid instead of pliable.
Originally the word applied to late winter / early spring, when the effect of winter freezing / hardening had been completed. Even in early spring, there hasn't been enough time to unfreeze all 3 months' worth of freezing, despite warmer temperatures. This Eskaleut word shifted a half-step forward to refer to "spring" in Tungusic.
Phonotactically, medial sequences require a liquid before a stop, and if they're the same manner, velars before alveolars and palatals. Triangulating with the P-E words, P-T "nelki" must have originally been "nekli", with the same "velar, palatal" sequence as "ńeŋńe". And the initial C in "ńeŋńe" was originally "n" but palatalized by following "e".
The original Pre-PT word, which was resolved into both "ńeŋńe" and "nelki" (via "nekli"), must have been "neŋli", a dead ringer for the Eskimo root for "getting cold". However, in P-T, the sequence "nasal, liquid" is banned for sonority reasons, and only "liquid, nasal" is allowed, as well as "nasal, nasal" in different places of articulation.
Since "lŋ" is legal, yet the form with the liquid has "lk", first the "ŋ" -> "k", then metathesized to fit "liquid, stop", yielding "nelki".
The other form left "ŋ" and altered the manner of "l" to become a nasal in the same place as "l", to fit the "nasal, nasal", yielding "ŋń". It also palatalized initial "n" before "e", and lowered final "i" to "e", perhaps on analogy with the 1st syllable.
That accounts for the Pre-PT form underlying both of the cognates in P-T. What about from P-E to Pre-PT? Only the usual, "ə" -> "e", "ł" -> "l" (no lateral fricatives in P-T).
BTW, now we get P-T "ńaŋńa" = "clear sky" for free. Recall that winters in Siberia are clear and sunny, while summers are cloudy and rainy. Since the Pre-PT "neŋli", which gave rise to P-T "ńeŋńe", originally referred to late winter / early spring, it originally referred to a period where the skies were clear rather than cloudy.
ReplyDeleteThe only phonetic change was a vowel alternation, using the other low unround vowel, "a" instead of "e", in both V slots.
P-T "bola" = "autumn", not derived from the Uralic verb for "to become", which became "bol(V)" in the Altaic foundation. To become what? Every season is a time of becoming something. We need something specific. So...
ReplyDeleteP-E "pəłu" = "leaf", "pəlu(ʀ)" = "dust, dirt", P-YS "pəłuɣ" = "to scrape skin"
The simpler root "pəl" refers to small things covering an object to be loosened and then shed and fall to the ground. Like beating the dust or dirt from a carpet, or shaking dust / dirt loose from your clothing after getting dirty, or scraping flakes or scales of skin from a hide -- or leaves being loosened and shed from trees, and falling to the ground.
Hey, very similar figure of speech as in English -- "fall", referring to leaves. In Tungusic, "fall" is more properly "the shedding season", but clearly referring to trees shedding their leaves.
"p" -> "b", "ł" -> "l", "ə" -> "e" then pulled back to harmonize with "u" at the same mid height, yielding "bolu".
Then the Eskaleut passive / resultative suffix "a" for "that which has been X-ed". Instead of the noun "leaf" or verb "to shed leaves", it's the season "which has been leaf-ed", as though leaves were the agent and the ground and environment were the patient. Especially in the forest climate where Proto-Tungusic spawned, fall results in a lot of shed leaves and pine needles, blanketing the ground and transforming it.
The ground, nay, the entire land has been leaf-ed! ^_^
Finally, P-T "töge" = "winter"
ReplyDeleteP-E "ciqinəʀ" = "sun, sunshine", "ciq(q)it" = "to pour out or dump with a splash"
In Eskaleut, the word for "sun" comes from the verb for "to pour", which has a simple root "ciq" in P-E, shared with non-liquid substances that are still very fine-grained solids, like "ciqumə" = "to break into pieces" and P-I "ciquptəq" = "to pulverize". As long as it's fine enough, solid particles can be "poured". In English, we can say that the sand in an hourglass "pours down" from the top part into the bottom part.
Also in English, we say the sunlight is "pouring" into a room, or that we have installed a massive-watt "flood light". It's easy to think of sunshine or light from any source, as a physical mass noun that flows downward by gravity from a high-up source, like the sky.
And so, the sunny season is also the "pouring" season -- not pouring rain, but pouring sunlight, a semantic link already made in the Eskaleut word for "sun" as "the thing that does the pouring". It doesn't rain or snow heavily during winter in the Siberian High, but sunlight does pour and pour and pour some more, since their winters are very high-pressure, hence no clouds form, and the sky is clear and open to the sun to pour its light down.
Winter in Siberia may be freezing cold, but the skies are cobalt blue, and there's nothing but sunlight pouring down during the daytime.
It doesn't look like Tungusic derived "winter" from "sun", which has the "n" and "r", but the simpler verb "to pour", i.e. it's "the pouring season", where "pour" is understood to refer to sunlight. Most of the cognates don't have "t" after the 2nd V, so the base seems to have been "ciqi", not "ciqit".
Recall that in P-E, there was a massive merger, where both Pre-PE "ti" -> P-E "ci" and "cə" -> "ci". There are no P-E words beginning with "ti" or "cə". However, even though "tə" is allowed, for some reason "təq" is not, so it would have been mapped to "ciq", which is right where we find "ciqi" relating to "pour" and "sun".
Well, as we saw before, Old World Eskaleut did not take part in this mega-merger relating to "t" -> "c", nor raising "tə" to "ti" / "ci". Here we see yet another example, since P-T "töge" refers to the "pouring down" sunlight season, yet it begins with "t" rather than "c" as in the P-E cognates. So in fact, the P-EA root must have been "təqə" or "təqi". The P-E words for "splash" have either "ə" and "i" as the 2nd V, "ciqəʀ" and "ciq(q)i", so that 2nd V is hard to tell. Possibly there was some ambiguity in the P-EA origin.
Taking the P-EA form to be "təqə":
"q" -> "g", "ə" -> "e", and 1st "e" rounded to avoid palatalization into "c", which is an empty container in P-T (aside from a couple loans / substrate words). There are some words beginning with "te" and "ti", but it's much more common to find their rounded counterparts, since the former are unstable in Eskaleut, in both Old World and New World branches.
That yields "töge", QED.
If the P-EA form was "təqi", the only difference is that intermediate form "tögi" shows sequence "gi", which is banned in roots (only as the causative suffix). Probably that's to avoid palatalization toward "ʒi", since that sequence is also banned. And similar to why "ki" doesn't exist, outside of suffixes, since that would threaten to wind up as "ci" or "ʒi", both banned. So, lower "i" to "e", still high-ish front and unrounded, yielding "töge" again, QED.
The P-T word for "winter" was adopted late, not early, into the lexicon. It doesn't show the typical "t" -> "d" change for words of Eskaleut origin.
ReplyDeleteHowever, there's only 1 word beginning with "de", so the "t" -> "d" strategy was not necessarily the best or only way to deal with underlying "te", under threat of palatalization. One strategy is to voice "t" since voiced consonants don't palatalize as easily. The other strategy is to round "e" since rounding impedes palatalization.
There are no words beginning with "dö", which shows that this would have been unnecessarily redundant -- it could only have come from "te" (and earlier "tə" in P-EA), so why do both strategies? Either one will prevent "te" and its threat of winding up with "c".
At any rate, "töge" was a late-entering word, since the "t" -> "d" sound change was no longer obligatory, although "q" -> "g" was still in effect, as was "ə" -> "e". Seasons are not the most primitive words, since they're a bit more abstract -- lasting months instead of the most concrete weather cycle, which is a day, or maybe a lunar cycle for a month. Thus, they can be coined later as afterthoughts, as it was in this case.
And that brings us to Tengri, the sky-god and chief object of worship in Altaic religions, especially Turkic but also Mongolic, althought not Tungusic, oddly enough. But languages can borrow words for deities, as several Uralic branches did with the Indo-Iranian word "bhagas" meaning "deity" -- Russian borrowed it too, as "bug", probably indirectly since the Indo-Iranians were long gone by the time Slavic was born in the 1st millennium AD.
ReplyDeletehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tengri
Although Tungusic speakers did not get hardcore into Tengrism, and kept to their existing shamanic religion, they at least provided to lexical origin of Tengri's name, which is Eskaleut. Since Mongolic shares some of the Eskaleut-isms that Tungusic has, possibly this originated from the precursor to Mongolic, which had some Eskaleut character as well, just not as strongly as Tungusic did. And from Mongolic, it passed into Turkic. Or, Mongolic borrowed the word from Tungusic, and then loaned it into Turkic. Either way, it's Eskaleut.
In Proto-Turkic, his name is "Teŋri", and in Proto-Mongolic "Tenger" ("sky"). He is not just associated with the celestial body, the sun, but sunlight and the clear blue sky, which admits sunlight to pour down onto the land.
The etymology section at Wikipedia reviews the main theories, but they're all grasping at straws, which I would be doing too, if I hadn't discovered the Eskaleut nature of Tungusic.
Lo and behold, Mongolic "tenger" comes from the Eskaleut word for "sun", in the sense of "sunlight pouring down", linked to clear blue skies.
Rewinding the P-E form back to P-EA, by taking into account the Old World forms that did not palatalize "t" to "c", we get something like
P-EA "təqinəʀ" = "sun, sunlight"
"ə" -> "e", "q" -> "g", "ʀ" -> "r", but unlike Tungusic, leaving "t" alone, since Turkic especially but also Mongolic did not like initial "d", preferring "t". That yields "teginer".
Since Uralic prefers 2-syllable words, not 3, the 2nd V was deleted. And since Turkic and Mongolic share the Tungusic ban on "stop, nasal", the medial sequence metathesized to "nasal, stop", yielding "tenger", QED for the Mongolic case.
Turkic is the most Uralic of the 3, and insisted on CVCCV word shape, while still preserving the word boundary consonants. So it fused the "ng" into a single "ŋ", and metathesized the "er" into "re", yielding "teŋre". Although word-final "e" and "o" are allowed, these mid vowels are rare word-finally -- either high or low vowels are strongly preferred. And since "e" is front, where there's not much of a very low vowel to move to, it raised to "i", making the end vowel more euphonic to Turkic ears, yielding "Teŋri", QED.
And there you have it -- the chief god of the religion that powered the westward Turkic and Mongolic expansions into Eurasia, had a name that we would only expect to find among the Eskimos! But in one of the biggest unlockings of ancient mysteries ever, Tungusic has been revealed to be largely Eskaleut, especially at the early stage, when this god's name was coined. It was recorded by the Chinese in the 4th C BC, in use among the Xiongnu confederation, when the Altaic creolization was still in its infancy.
Yet already they were elevating Old World Eskaleut words to god-like status... except among the speakers who provided the original non-theonymic form of the word! But languages are happy to borrow words for gods, spirits, and such, including Tengri himself. ^_^
*Russian "bog"
ReplyDeleteTungusic word for "chipmunk" cognate with Eskimo word for "cheek". Awwww...
ReplyDeleteP-T "ulgukī" = "chipmunk", animal name suffix "kī", root "ulgu"
P-E "ułuɣaɣ" = "cheek", "uluɣ" = "to soften an animal skin by chewing or rubbing"
Chipmunks' most salient feature is their large cheek pouches that they store things in while transporting them.
The Eskimo word for "cheek" is derived from the verb about softening an animal skin to make it more flexible and pliable, by adding a nominalizer "aɣ" to the verb, meaning the cheek is "the thing that softens an animal skin by chewing".
Sometimes skin softening was done by rubbing with the hands, or crumpling it to introduce folds in the structure. But sometimes it was done by putting it between the jaws and chewing it -- not biting or tearing all the way through, not swallowing it, but to using the jaws in a repeating clamping-down motion, to cause folds and bends to form in the structure, making it easily workable instead of a solid stiff plane.
Here's a picture of the practice from 1951, "Inuit woman “Josie” chewing sealskin to soften it for making kamiits (boots), Kinngait, Nunavut":
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Inuit_woman_%E2%80%9CJosie%E2%80%9D_chewing_sealskin_to_soften_it_for_making_kamiits_(boots),_Kinngait,_Nunavut_(31497043966).jpg
The simplest phonetic derivation is from the verb form "uluɣ", but semantically that's not good enough, since chipmunks aren't notable for chewing things but for having big cheeks. So, starting from the noun form "ułuɣaɣ":
"ł" -> "l", metathesis of "uɣ" -> "ɣu" to produce standard Uralic / Tungusic medial CC cluster, final "aɣ" deleted since standard Uralic / Tungusic word shape ends after the V that follows medial C cluster. Or, "a" absorbed into preceding "u" (producing the best kind of harmony, identical V's), with no compensatory lengthening, since this isn't the 1st syllable, then word-final C deleted since it's not "n". Either way, that yields "ulgu", QED.
Note that Eskaleut not only provides the semantic basis for Tungusic "chipmunk", namely "cheek", it also provides the semantic basis for Eskaleut "cheek", namely the thing that chews a skin to soften it. That is a deeply rooted semantic chain-of-custody, establishing without a doubt that Tungusic is from Eskaleut origins.
This rules out Tungusic merely borrowing a word for "chipmunk" from Eskaleut, as may happen with animal names. In fact, there is no word for "chipmunk" in Eskimo languages -- they don't live way up in the Arctic, but they do in the forests of Manchuria and nearby, where Old World Eskaleut was spoken, before being creolized into Tungusic.
And of course "ɣ" -> "g"
ReplyDeleteP-T "ulgian" = "pig"
ReplyDeleteP-E "uliɣ" = "to cover, blanket"
First, I agree with Fortescue that this Tungusic word was loaned into Nivkh, rather than vice versa. Nivkh words rarely begin with a vowel, whereas "ulgian" does, and so does "ulgukī".
https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/Reconstruction:Proto-Tungusic/ulgian
But I go further and claim it's of Eskaleut origin. It has the same beginning "ulg" as "ulgukī". And there's another animal name in P-Yupik, "ulaɣaq" = "fox", which would begin with "ulg" if it had been adapted into Tungusic (though it was not). These are native Tungusic names, ultimately from their Eskaleut origins, not the Uralic / Altaic side (and not loans from Nivkh).
To the Eskimo verb base, add "a" which produces a noun, "uliɣa", that means "that which has been X'ed". In this case, "something that has been covered or blanketed". The "n" in the P-T word is the standard / generic word-final "n" in P-T, not an Eskaleut word ending. So we just have to derive P-T "ulgia".
"iɣ" metathesized -> "ɣi" to fit standard Uralic / Tungusic word shape with medial CC cluster, "ɣ" -> "g". That yields "ulgia", QED.
Semantically, a pig is an animal noted for being habitually covered or blanketed -- probably alluding to its habit of wallowing in mud to cool itself off (no sweat glands), which when the mud dries into its fur, leaves the body covered in a muddy / furry blanket.
Less likely, but possibly, it alludes to the distinctly thick layer of back fat, acting as a natural blanket. Or perhaps the lacy blanket-like caul fat that pigs are prized for.
Somehow, though, Eskaleut provides the semantic basis for "pig" in Tungusic, relating to "blanket". Somehow, too, modern American English intuited this semantic connection, and coined the name for a food item, "pigs in a blanket". ^_^ Those are hot dog pieces wrapped in pastry dough.
So yet again, we see that the animal name in Tungusic is not just a borrowing with no semantic basis. Eskaleut provides a semantic basis for the name, not only its phonetic form as is true if it's merely a loanword.
I spoke too soon! That Yupik word for "fox" *does* show up in Tungusic! It's a late-entering word, which replaced the P-T word for "reindeer" = "oran" in the Oroch language, and which means "domestic animal" in Manchu. Both of those are the expected reflexes of P-T "ulaga", although it's not attested that far back:
ReplyDeletehttps://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/Reconstruction:Proto-Tungusic/oran
Because it's late-entering, it didn't reflect the pressure from Uralic / Altaic as much as the early-entering words. For example, the word for "winter" keeping "t" instead of voicing it to "d". In this case, it didn't obsess over making words fit the Uralic word shape of CVCCV, and it did not metathesize "ag" -> "ga" to yield "ulga". Rather, it left them in place.
The Yupik word is "ulaɣaq", so all that changed was "ɣ" -> "g" and deleting word-final C since it's not "n" and there are already 3 syllables, so metathesizing it would not create a CC cluster after the 1st V, a la Uralic.
That yields "ulaga", QED.
What's the meaning of this word? Well, "aɣ" is a frequentative / habitual postbase, and attaches to a verb base to mean, "does X habitually", in this case to describe some enduring trait of an animal.
That verb base is "ulə", where the reduced "ə" drops out when the postbase attaches to it. There are two homophones for this base, one meaning "to overflow", and the other having to do with "to mistake or confuse".
The Yupik word for "fox" certainly derives from the one about "mistake, confuse", since Eskaleut verbs are ambitransitive and ambicausative, meaning this could also refer to causing someone to make a mistake or get confused -- like the sly, cunning, deceitful, trickster fox.
I think this base could also refer to "reindeer" or other domestic animal, since they tend to wander, get confused about where to go, make mistakes, etc., as herd animals -- and it's the job of the herder to guide them where they're supposed to go, so they don't lose their way by straying or wandering.
Alternatively, it derives from the sense of "overflow", relating to the tendency of livestock species to increase in size exponentially by reproduction, until there's just too many of them for one single herder or family to properly manage. The frequentative / habitual postbase means they do this habitually, and it's a recurring problem of herd sizes getting too big.
But since the "mistake, confuse" sense already has a precedent in New World Eskaleut, I favor that sense for the Tungusic word as well. Livestock are the "easily straying" animal that require constant vigilance and guidance and direction and driving toward the intended destination.
P-T "erün" = "time"
ReplyDeleteP-E "ərə" = "to run or fade (of colors)" and in P-YS "dawn", P-Y "əʀnəq" = "day"
The Eskimo root has to do with fading colors, and colors are initially talked about in terms of brightness and darkness (objective light levels, not a subjective qualia like "red" -- pre-introspection vs. post-introspection). So fading brightness could have referred to the sunrise and sunset cycle, leading to "dawn" and the length of that cycle, "day".
There's a P-E postbase "un" which usually denotes a tool or instrument or medium, but it can also be abstract, including a time or occasion when something happens. Either "time" is conceived of as a physical medium or instrument that enables the daily fading cycle, or it's the abstract "time / occasion" when the fading cycle takes place. IDK exactly how ancient Tungusic cultures conceived of time, but it was either of those.
Base-initial "ə" -> "e", base-final "ə" drops out when postbase "un" attaches, "u" fronts to "ü" to harmonize with front "e". That yields "erün", QED.
P-T "eri" = "to breathe"
ReplyDeleteP-E "əʀina(ʀ)" = "voice", P-I "əʀiala" = "to shout"
Since "na(R)" is postbase, the verbal base is "əʀi", which means "to vocalize". Vocalizing requires exhaling, one phase of the breathing cycle.
"ə" -> "e", "ʀ" -> "r", yielding "eri", QED.
Easy-peasy, lemon squeezy! ^_^
I doubt "o"-initial Tungusic words are Eskaleut, since Eskaleut lacks "o", somewhat like the Crescentine family, where Eskaleut "ə" is like Crescentine "e", then "a, i, u". But no "o". It could be a vowel-harmonic alteration of "e", from "ə", but so far it seems like the 1st V is the target, and the 2nd V harmonizes with it. Also, "e" -> "o" is 2 changes, in frontness and in rounding.
ReplyDeleteThere aren't many "o"-initial words in P-T, and one of them, "omŋa" = "to forget", has a cognate in P-Turkic "umnï" (ditto), all but confirming that it's from Samoyedic / Uralic origin, not Eskaleut. But you could have told that just from its initial vowel being "o" -- very unlikely to be Eskaleut, since that vowel doesn't exist in their inventory.
Also, the Tungusic word for "time" shows that it was loaned into Nivkh, not vice versa. Only Tungusic can provide a semantic basis, from its Eskaleut side.
ReplyDeleteP-T "üse" = "seed, seedling; to plant, grow"
ReplyDeleteP-E "uci" = "load", "ucuɣ" = "sexual organ"
The sex organ carries a "seed" to make babies, and the seed is treated like a "load", much as in English for the seed in the male organ.
The P-T word reflects earlier "ucə" in OW EA, where "ə" -> "e" and "u" fronted to "ü" to harmonize with front "e", and "c" -> "s".
The final "ə" cannot be seen in the NW EA cognates, since "cə" never surfaces, only as "ci". Or if "uɣ" attaches to it, the "ə" drops out anyway.
Considering that greater extent of palatalization in the NW branch, these are cognates and from P-EA "ucə".
P-T "üńikün" = "alive, living", suffix "kün", root "üńi"
ReplyDeleteP-E "uŋilaɣ" = "to itch", "uŋuləg" = "to shake, tremble", "uŋummaʀ" = "to come alive again", "uŋuma" = "alive", "uŋuman" = "heart", P-Y "uŋuŋsiq" = "animal"
The Eskaleut root relates to "nervous system activity" to indicate a thing that is alive vs. dead, or animate vs. inanimate. When we use "nervous" as an adjective in English, it refers to an itchy or shaking / trembling state, as in the nervous system is overly active. Eskaleut has a similar connection. The link from the Eskaleut words to the P-T word is transparent, including the exact same sense of "alive".
Since the semantic basis is "nervous system activity", the most appropriate P-E words are "to itch" and "to shake, tremble". Their bases are nearly the same, "uŋi" vs. "uŋu". Clearly the P-T word is closer to the former, which we'll start from.
"ŋ" -> "ń" before "i", "u" fronts to "ü" to harmonize with front "i", yielding "üńi", QED.
In P-E, "ŋi" is far rarer than "ŋa", "ŋə", or "ŋu". It's another sign of palatalization, here targeting the velar nasal. Now we see the same concern in OW EA, where "ŋ" palatalized to "ń" before "i". Eskaleut doesn't have "ń", so I expect Eskimo mapped "ŋi" to "ni" instead, although I haven't checked that.
That's it for my exploration of vowel-initial words in P-T -- lots of Eskaleut origins there. And there are probably more, just seeing what I can easily figure out. I've done a lot with consonant-initial, so this filled out some other areas of the lexicon. Next, I'll get back to "x"-initial...
P-T "xabdansa" = "leaf", suffixes "n-sa", root "xabda"
ReplyDeleteP-YS "kavtak" = "to make a rattling or crunching noise, by walking over things on the ground"
The Eskimo verb refers to the sound made by walking over crisp crunchy stuff on the ground, usually ice or snow, or seashells, or frozen grass, etc. This is particular to their Arctic environment.
In a forested region like Manchuria, they have an additional source of natural stuff layered on the ground that makes a crisp crunchy noise when you walk over it -- leaves! In Tungusic, leaves are "the crispy-crunchy thing". Not the typical senses that are appealed to (texture and sound), when coining a word for "leaf" -- but very romantic and autumnal. How wonderfully Manchurian... ^_^
"k" -> "x", "v" -> "b", "t" -> "d", word-final C deleted since there's already standard Uralic / Tungusic word shape of CVCCV. That's "xabda", QED.
P-T "ʒuke" = "ice"
ReplyDeleteP-E "ciku" = "ice", "cikuŋiʀ" = "to break up (of ice)", P-I "cikaq" = "stiff", "kikkuləq" = "breathing hole in ice used by seals"
As with "ci" in New World Eskaleut, it could come from all sorts of origins, given the extensive palatalization of both "k" and "t" before "i" and sometimes "ə".
The clue that the NW EA word originally began with "k" is the Inuit word about the hole in the ice, which begins with "ki". The clue that this traces back to earlier "kə" is that this Inuit word did *not* undergo palatalization to "ci". NW EA distinguishes between "i" that was always "i", and "i" that came from "ə" -- the former are far more likely to trigger palatalization, and the latter far less likely.
So the P-EA word for "ice" was originally "kəku", which has a fossilized nominalizer suffix "u" attached to the verbal base "kəka" = "(to be) stiff". Ice is the "stiff" phase of H2O, not the liquid phase like water. Starting from "kəku":
"ə" -> "e", "k" -> "c" -> "ʒ" before "e", yielding "ʒeku", then vowels metathesized to dissimilate palatal "ʒ" from front vowel "e" ("ʒ" strongly prefers to be followed by back vowels). That's "ʒuke", QED.
This is probably a late-entering word, since it shows "k" -> "ʒ", suggesting there were already too many words derived by "k" -> "x". Both are part of the feature redundancy inversion -- voiced stops and voiceless fricatives. But the large amount of "x"-initial words, and smaller amount of "ʒ"-initial words, says the former was productive earlier, during the main stage of populating the lexicon, and the latter was resorted to only when the earlier container was full.
Also, both NW and OW Eskaleut are under threat of palatalization, and OW was more scrupulous about avoiding it. So when "k" -> "ʒ", that's contrary to their main strategy of keeping "k" in the back location (as "x"), and must have been a last-ditch effort, happening late.
P-T "ʒola" = "stone"
ReplyDeleteP-E "civa" = "to boil blubber", "kəvəɣ" = "to lift", P-I "civli" = "sediment in oil lamp", "kəvlək" = "to be effective", P-YS "civ(v)aʀ" = "downhill"
The Eskimo words all relate to "weight" or "heavy" -- heavy objects rolling downhill, heavier materials sinking when rendered (as in boiling blubber, or sediment that settles down in an oil lamp), heavy objects requiring lifting or carrying.
Being effective could relate to the sense of "heavy" as in "strong" or "resisting external pressure" or "weighing down on something to make its own pressure felt onto the patient". Alternatively, "effective" is about the literal material "stone" being the material for tools that make them the most effective -- unlike flexible or soft materials, which could be ineffective, stone makes them the most effective they can be.
The presence of "kə" suggests these all trace back to "kəv" in P-EA, with some degree of palatalization to "ci" in NW EA. The one most directly tied to "heaviness" is "sediment", about heavy things sinking, so the P-T word for "stone" must derive from an earlier Eskaleut word where "v" was followed by "l". The fact that "stone" can directly link to "effective" relating to tools, means we start from "kəvlək" (which was probably earlier "kəvləq" in P-E, but that final C is irrelevant anyway).
"ə" -> "e", "k" -> "c" -> "ʒ" before "e", word-final C deleted since there's already a word shape of CVCCV, yielding "ʒevle". To dissimilate "ʒ" from "e", vowel harmony is not possible since the other vowel is identical. So rather than harden "v" -> "b", it used the labial feature of "v" to round "e" into "o" -- albeit not front round "ö" as happened in "ʒȫr". Then 2nd "e" pulled back to harmonize with "o", while remaining low and unround, namely as "a". That yields "ʒola", QED.
This is another late-entering word, since "k" -> "ʒ" rather than "x". It also shows a slightly different outcome of dissimilating "ʒ" from "e", compared to fellow late-comer "ʒȫr". At such a late stage, rules were more of a last-ditch effort than a highly regular conversion of one sound to another.
Because "ʒ"-initial words are late, they're small in number, so it's hard to hear their subtle differences as "irregularities" -- which are more salient if they're opposing a regular pattern based on 100 examples. When there are so few comparable words, no single one of them sounds regular, and therefore, no single one sounds irregular. They're the oddball afterthought words, where uniform standards are no longer rigidly enforced, they're just filling in some remaining gaps in the lexicon, and quality control is less important than filling the gaps ASAP so the entire project of populating the lexicon can finally be done.
P-T "xilŋü" = "tongue", probably from earlier "xileŋü"
ReplyDeleteP-E "kələɣ" = "to inform", "cilaŋit" = "out of one's mind", "cilaŋiʀutə" = "to lose one's senses"
The Eskimo word for "inform" is the only one that retained the original "kəl", while the others were schwa-raised and palatalized to "cil", as is common in NW EA. They're semantically related since "to inform" uses "speech", and the others about losing one's mind or senses have the "deprived of X" postbase beginning with "ŋi", so the root of "intelligible speech" is "cila" in those two words, from earlier "kəla".
The Tungusic word is the body part used as a tool in order to "inform", that is by using speech, i.e. the tongue. So it attached the Eskaleut postbase "un", for tools or body parts, onto the verbal base. In OW EA, the original complex word was:
"kələɣun"
"ə" -> "e", yielding "keleɣun". I haven't worked out the conditioning or layer in the lexicon, where "e" is raised to "i", but it was in this case, as it was in NW EA, yielding "kileɣun".
"k" -> "x", yielding "xileɣun" (early word, not late where "k" -> "ʒ").
To prepare for typical CVCCV word shape, "un" metathesized to "nu", to bring consonant closer to middle of word, and make word end in a vowel, yielding "xileɣnu".
There are 4 C's, 1 too many, so sequence "ɣn" fused into "ŋ", preserving velar place, voicing, and continuant manner of "ɣ", just making the air-flow nasal instead of oral, to preserve "n". That yields "xileŋu".
We can tell there was probably a CC sequence between the 2nd and 3rd V's, since there's a consonant preserved there -- contrary to the tendency to delete voiced velar continuants between vowels. A sequence of CC during the application of that rule, would block them from being deleted, since neither C is intervocalic.
Then "u" harmonizes to front "i" and/or "e", yielding "xileŋü", QED. Or if you insist, deletion of 2nd V to produce CVCCV word shape, yielding "xilŋü".
I think the Proto-Mongolic word for "tongue" = "kelen" is from this Eskaleut source as well, since it doesn't look like the Proto-Turkic word "til". Turkic is the most Uralic of the 3 Altaic languages, and Tungusic the most Eskaleut of the 3. Mongolic is in between, to be judged case-by-case. Here, it looks like Tungusic.
There is a Proto-Uralic word for "tongue" = "kele", but the Samoyedic intermediate form, which Altaic would have to derive from, looks nothing like that. They mostly begin with "s", mostly lack "l", and no form combines both initial "k" and medial "l".
https://www.uralonet.nytud.hu/eintrag.cgi?id_eintrag=280
Probably this is a case of Uralic and Eskaleut sharing a word due to being half-siblings. But Mongolic and Tungusic got their word for "tongue" via Eskaleut, not its Proto-Uralic cognate (which is way too old to feed into Mongolic or Tungusic anyway).
BTW, the loan into Proto-Nivkh of "tongue" as "hilɣ" confirms that there used to be a distinct "ɣ" after the "l", not a velar nasal. Nivkh probably deleted the "n" syllable at the end, to fit its own monosyllabic word shape. Lacking the "n", there was no nasal to fuse with the "ɣ", which remained as is.
ReplyDeleteUnlike the Uralic word "kele", the Eskaleut form has final "ɣ", so for sure Tungusic got its word for "tongue" from an Eskaleut root. But I'll bet Mongolic did, too.
P-T "ʒep-" = "to eat"
ReplyDeleteP-E "kəpə" = "to cut, sever", "kəp(ə)kaʀ" = "to gnaw or remove meat from bone with teeth"
Semantically straightforward, since eating involves using the teeth to sever meat, and one derivative of the Eskimo root is about eating.
Since the P-T form is a root that usually has other material added, first we note that Eskaleut base-final "ə" tends to drop out when postbases attach, as in the form cited about gnawing a bone to remove meat. So we start phonetically from "kəp":
"ə" -> "e", "k" -> "c" -> "ʒ" before "e", yielding "ʒep-", QED.
Some of the derived Tungusic forms like "ʒepke-" may come from Eskaleut roots as well. That is the expected cognate of P-E "kəpkaʀ" = "to gnaw bone to remove meat", where the word-final C is deleted since there's already 3 C's, and "a" -> "e" to harmonize for frontness, while staying low and unround.
Maybe just a coincidence, but worth bearing in mind that Eskaleut can supply postbases / suffixes, not just bases.
This word, and "ʒuke", contradict the over-arching plan of inverting the feature redundancy of Eskaleut when inheriting words from that source. Eskaleut originally has voiceless stops and voiced fricatives, then Tungusic inverted that while building their lexicon. However, here we see medial "p" and/or "k", just like medial "k" in "ʒuke". Those are voiceless stops, not voiced.
What gives? I chalk this up to the late date of incorporation, when the rules stopped affecting medial C's and only targeted initial C's. We can tell they targeted initial C's more since the consonant "ʒ" almost only appears initially (16 entries), only a few times medially (and a couple more where it begins a suffix).
These initial "ʒ" come from Eskaleut "k" -- but clearly P-T didn't care to apply this rule to medial "k", else we'd see a bunch of medial "ʒ". The word "ʒuke" is revealing since medial "k" is also followed by "e", which would trigger palatalization to "ʒ" in initial position -- but not here, no change to "k" whatsoever.
By a certain point, they were mainly focused on distinguishing Eskaleut vs. Uralic origins using initial C's, not wherever they occur. And after a later point, they didn't even obsess about initial C's, as shown by "tuńga" and "töge", which are both of Eskaleut origin, yet begin with "t" instead of "d" or some voiceless fricative.
By this late point, most of the lexicon had already been constructed, and the division between Uralic and Eskaleut origins had already been made by the inversion of feature redundancy on the Eskaleut side. Any late-entering words were not subject to such strict rules to identify which origin they came from. They were too few in number to alter the overall pattern of Uralic keeping the original redundancy, and Eskaleut having the inverted one.
P-T "ʒuban" = "10"
ReplyDeleteP-E "kiput" = "to exchange or reverse", "kipułəɣ" = "to exchange places or alternate", "cipə(t)" = "to exceed or be left over", "cip(ə)nəʀ" = "excess"
Either "kipu" or "cipə" supply a semantic basis for "10". "Reverse / alternate" means you've counted on your 2 hands in a certain direction, now reverse it to get to 20. Or you're exchanging which part you're counting, as Eskimo speakers leave the hands after 10 and go to the toes / feet for 11-20. "Exceed, be left over" means the upper limit has been reached, you can't count past 10 on your two hands in a certain direction.
They seem to share a simple root "kip" about becoming full, which is clearly linked to "exceed", but also about reversing / alternating / etc. -- which you do when one way of doing things has reached its limit, then you start doing things some alternate way.
I don't think the final "n" in the P-T word is from Eskaleut -- just about all numerals in P-T end in "n", so it's part of a P-T numeral template, not meaningful. We just need to arrive at "ʒuba".
The P-EA root underlying both of the subsets of words in P-E, beginning with either "ki" or "ci", is "kipV", where the V doesn't matter here, as we'll see.
"k" -> "c" -> "ʒ" before "i", "p" -> "b", and postbase "a" added (passive / resultative participle), then "ʒ" dissimilated from "i" by shifting back to "u" to harmonize with back "a", while ignoring rounding harmony (not very strong, compared to front-back harmony). That yields "ʒuba", QED.
The passive / resultative postbase means "that which has been X'ed". In this case, 10 is the number where "the limit has been exceeded", the maximum has been arrived at. Or if it's about "reverse, alternate," 10 is the number where "the counting method has been reversed / alternated", i.e. you're going to switch from hands to feet, or undo the actions you made when counting from 1-10, in reverse order.
P-T "ʒügün" = "east; left"
ReplyDeleteP-E "ciqinəʀ" = "sun, sunlight"
This is now a doublet in Tungusic of the Eskaleut root for "sun, sunlight", along with "sïgūn" = "sun", which is an early-entering word. We can tell by the "ʒ" that "ʒügün" is late-entering, and may have a somewhat different set of rules operating.
The sun rises in the east, so that's where sunlight begins. And when you face south, your left hand is pointing toward the sun. Japanese speakers also faced south when coining their direction words, like how "hidari" (from "pidari") means "left" and contains the word "hi / pi" = "sun" in it. Facing south does not contradict them belonging to a solar cult -- they were simply orienting toward the sun *at its peak intensity* in the afternoon, not when it just begins to show itself in the morning.
The final "əʀ" is superfluous since there's already 3 C's.
"q" -> "g"
The P-EA root begins with "kə", and again I don't understand why schwa raises in this case, but it does. Maybe it raises at the stage when the preceding C is "c", which is the standard palatal consonant, and has the most "i"-like influence on surrounding segments.
"ə" -> "e", "k" -> "c" -> "ʒ" before "e". And "e" -> "i" before "c", let's say. That yields "ʒigin".
Then "ʒ" is dissimilated from "i", but vowel harmony can't do that since the other V is identical. The only way to impede palatalization without moving the vowel, is to round it, so that solution can also be used for dissimilating a palatal C from "i". They rounded the 2nd "i" just for good harmonic measure, yielding "ʒügün", QED.
Aside from "ʒ", the solution of rounding a front vowel rather than shifting it back, is another sign that this is a late word, unlike the early word "sïgūn", which shifted "i" back to "ï" to dissimilate "c" from "i", and which made "c" -> "s" (voiceless fricative) instead of "ʒ" (voiced stop / affricate).
"Sun" as in the celestial body is more fundamental to the lexicon than direction terms like "east" and "left", especially "left", which is an egocentric direction term, and not even conceived of until people begin thinking of themselves as the center of a set of coordinates, or like the center of their own little universe. Very introspective / rise of consciousness, not like geocentric direction terms.
So it's no surprise to see "sun, the celestial body" show early sound laws, and "east, left" show later sound laws, even though they're both adapting the same Eskaleut root about "sun, sunlight".
"e" -> "i" after "c"
ReplyDeleteTypo: I meant to say that P-EA "sun" originally began with "tə", not "kə". Both of those can ultimately palatalize to "ce" and then "ci" in P-E, where "sun, sunlight" is "ciqinəʀ". That is cognate with P-T "töge" = "winter", i.e. the "pouring-down" season, when sunlight is pouring down due to the Siberian High.
ReplyDeleteOnce the evolution of "sun" reaches the point where it begins with "ci", it can be adapted into Tungusic by either making "c" a voiceless fricative, like "sïgūn", or a voiced stop / affricate, like "ʒügün", to identify its Eskaleut origin.
So, "ʒ"-initial words in P-T don't only come from "k" being palatalized to "c", but "t" being palatalized to "c", and from there voiced to "ʒ". And of course, from words that were always "c"-initial back to P-EA, since "c" is not just a destination for other consonants that have become palatalized, but an original phoneme in its own right.
It doesn't look like many "ʒ" words came from earlier "t", since "ʒ" words are late-comers, and by that point, speakers were less avoidant of Eskaleut "t", like "töge" and "tuńga". But we'll see if some of the remaining "ʒ" words have an earlier "t" or "c" origin...
The ones whose 1st V is "a" are unlikely to be from "t" or "k", since they don't have palatalizing vowels -- that goes for the 2nd V as well, in those words. Probably those are from original "c", which can be followed by back vowels "a" or "u" with no problem, and doesn't need a palatalizing front vowel to wind up in palatal position -- that's it's original position!
P-T "ʒabi" = "boat"
ReplyDeleteP-E "caviɣ" = "knife", "cavaɣ" = "to work or craft", "caviʀuʀ" = "to whittle"
The root "cav" has to do with making crafts. The main tool used was a knife, but later in NW Eskaleut the word for "knife" came to refer to the material its blade is made from, "iron", and then "metal tool" in general, typically ones with a blade, though, like an axe or saw.
Large-scale crafting of wooden materials using a bladed tool was distinguished from fine-scale woodworking, as shown by the dedicated verb for "to whittle".
In NW EA, "caviɣ" can function as both a noun and a verb, i.e. "to use a knife", namely in craftmaking.
There's a old non-productive fossilized postbase "i" which means the result or state left over after the verb is completed. It even shows up in a verb for woodworking with bladed tools -- "cana" = "to carve", "cana + i" -> "cania" = "wood carvings, shavings, chips".
Attach that postbase to "caviɣ", used as a verb, meaning "the product of using a knife" i.e. during craftmaking. This refers to boats as crafts that are crafted using metal bladed tools, to dig out the interior, to plane the surface smooth, and so on. For forest and riverine cultures, dugout canoes are one of the main large-scale crafts that they make and use.
Also, P-T "ʒabi" is distinct from "temü" = "raft" or other floating platform sort of watercraft. That can be thrown together without too much crafting, whereas a dugout requires more labor and crafting and bladed tool work. Hence the emphasis on "metal blade tool" in its name.
From P-EA "caviɣi":
"c" -> "ʒ", "v" -> "b", "ɣ" -> 0 between vowels, 2 "i"s contract since long vowels banned outside of 1st syllable, yielding "ʒabi", QED.
Here's an example of "ʒ"-initial Tungusic words coming from original "c" in Eskaleut, not "t" or "k" that had been first palatalized to "c". The hint that it's original "c" is the following vowel being back. Technically, the vowels could have been "i-a" and metathesized to "a-i", but there are no relevant Eskaleut words "civa" or "cipa" relating to boats, or beginning with "k" or "t" either.
P-T "ińe" = "to laugh"
ReplyDeleteP-E "əŋlaʀ" = "to laugh"
"ə" -> "e", "ŋl" -> "ń" (fusing "nasal" and "palatal continuant" features, which we've seen before), then "e" -> "i" before palatal "ń", "a" fronted to "e" to harmonize with "e/i" (while remaining low and unround), meaningless word-final "ʀ" deleted. That's "ińe", QED.
Wiktionary notes that Doerfer said the P-T word was borrowed from Proto-Mongolic "hinixe" ("to laugh"), on the basis of Mongolian "ineex". These two words do seem cognate, but they must both be Eskaleutisms, possibly independently adopted into their lexicons. The Tungusic word does not have a final back fricative, which Mongolian does, and P-E does as well.
So perhaps Mongolic inherited this Eskaleut word with its own distinctive set of sound laws / phonotactics, which preserved the back fricative "ʀ" as "x", while Tungusic had different sound laws / phonotactics, which deleted it.
With further investigation of Mongolic words of Eskaleut origin -- adapted straight into Proto-Mongolic or Para-Mongolic, not borrowed from Tungusic -- maybe we can distinguish these different sound laws. Like, does Mongolic fuse "ŋl" into "n" or "ni", or is that fusion something that only Tungusic does, into "ń"?
If there's a borrowing, it would go from Mongolic to Tungusic, since there's a reason for Tungusic to delete final "x", but not a reason for Mongolic to append final "x". But again, Tungusic has the largest share of its lexicon -- and other phonological, morphological, and syntactic aspects -- coming from Eskaleut, compared to Mongolic.
So there's no need to assume a Mongolic source of this Tungusic Eskaleutism. I'm guessing Mongolic inherited this Eskaleut word as well, just applying slightly different phonotactics to it, than Tungusic did.
Turkic seems to lack it, though -- no surprise, it's too far away from Manchuria / Amur, to have Eskaleut as a major parent in its creolization. Maybe an animal name or tool name could be borrowed from the Eastern Altaic languages into the Western one, but "laugh" is not such a word.
P-T "ineŋī" = "day"
ReplyDeleteP-E "iŋət" = "to sit down", "iŋləʀ" = "sleeping platform", "iŋŋaʀ" = "to lie down to sleep"
Now that I'm getting familiar with Eskaleut postbases, I immediately spotted the privative one "ŋŋit" at the end of the Tungusic word for "day".
Actually, the Tungusic word originally referred to "dawn", the transition point between night and day, not "day" itself. Words for "dawn" are more likely to be morphologically complex than for "day" since "dawn" is more specialized -- a certain point or transition, not an open interval of time. And since "dawn" is more specific semantically, it tends to get more phonetic material to specify what that extra nuance of meaning is.
Later, it was extended to mean "day". Then, as it happens, the word for "day" was abbreviated of its "suffix", to give "ine" = "dawn", all over again. But by that point, Tungusic speakers were not so aware of what the original Eskaleut postbase meant. Tungusic did not begin with "ine" = "dawn" and then add a suffix "ŋī" to derive the word for "day" -- again, "dawn" must be more complex and derived, while "day" is simple and underived (at least, not derived from "dawn", maybe "sun" or something).
It's not clear which verb relating to "resting" was chosen here. So far, we've seen "ŋl" fuse to "ń", and yet "ineŋī" has alveolar "n". Maybe it's an irregularity. Or maybe it's from the verb for "to sit down", which metathesized "ət" -> "tə" to produce the standard medial CC cluster. Then the sequence "ŋt" fused to "n" -- fusing "nasal" and "alveolar" features.
Semantically, they mean slightly different things, but the same thing overall -- "day" is the time of the 24-hour cycle when you are deprived of sleeping in bed, or when you're deprived of sitting down, since your daily chores and activities require you to be up and moving about. Again, this makes more sense if the original sense was "dawn" -- the point at which you become deprived of sleeping in bed. "Day" lasts too long after that for you to still be thinking about "bed", you're already into daytime chore mode. "Dawn" is more relevant for "getting out of bed".
From "iŋət", which will get transformed into "iŋtə", and the postbase "ŋŋit", we start with:
"iŋtəŋŋit"
"ŋt" -> "n" (fusing "nasal" and "alveolar" features), "ə" -> "e", geminate "ŋŋ" simplified to "ŋ" since geminates are banned / rare in P-T, following "i" lengthened to compensate for deleted "ŋ" in former geminate pair, word-final C deleted cuz it's not "n" and there are already 2 C's after the 1st V, not to mention 3 V's, and the word is too long already.
That yields "ineŋī", QED.
The phonetic derivation from "iŋləʀ" is more problematic, requiring irregular "ŋl" -> "n" instead of "ń". Then, it's simple: resolving illegal CCC cluster "ʀŋŋ" -> "ŋŋ" (voiced back continuant being absorbed into a geminate voiced back continuant pair), then as before.
Either way, the Tungusic word is of Eskaleut origin, and originally referred to "dawn" rather than "day". At least in pure Eskaleut it did, perhaps when adopted into Tungusic, it shifted meaning to "day", if that Eskaleut privative postbase was not understandable as referring to a point in time when something was ended or deprived.
P-T "ʒalan" = "era, age, times; generation", suffix "n", root "ʒala"
ReplyDeleteP-E "cilakiɣ" = "to be good weather", "cilałuɣ" = "rain or bad weather", "cilaqliʀ" = "outside part or neighbor"
The P-E root is "cila" and refers to the external environmental conditions, like "weather" and "outside". The sense of "neighbor" ties it into a social kind of weather condition. Even in English, we refer to a zeitgeist / era / age / etc. as a "climate" or "atmosphere", using broad terms for the overall weather conditions in the environment, not what life is like within a private home. The zeitgeist pertains to everyone in the community, just like the weather.
I couldn't find any relevant Eskimo words beginning with "k" or "t", so this must have been "c" to begin with. However, P-E merges "cə" and "ci", so this could come -- and does come -- from "cə", judging from the Tungusic comparison. It must have been "cəla" in P-EA.
"c" -> "ʒ", "ə" -> "e", then to dissimilate "ʒ" from "e", "e" pulled back (while still low and unround) to harmonize with "a", becoming "a" as well. That yields "ʒala", QED.
P-T "ʒalum" = "full"
ReplyDeleteP-E "ciləɣ" = "full; thick, wide"
No relevant Eskimo words beginning with "k" or "t", so this is from "c" to begin with. The fact that the Tungusic cognate has a low vowel as the 1st V shows that the P-EA word was "cələɣ", which cannot be seen from P-E alone since it merged "cə" and "ci".
Contra Wiktionary, there's no Tungusic suffix "m", in fact this is the only P-T word that ends in "m", so it's very unusual and requires a special explanation. It does come from a suffix, but in Eskaleut -- the resultative / stative postbase "uma", which attaches to a verb and means "being in a state of having completed the verb". This contains the postbase "u", which is the copula "to be".
So, just "u" attaching to "cələɣ" means "to be full", and adding the "ma" means "being in a state of having been filled" -- that is, simply, "full". It just adds a connotation of some activity having taken place, which produced the full state of the object as a result -- like when you pack an empty suitcase with stuff, and it becomes full. That is one use of this word in Eskimo, a container being packed with stuff. Same as in English "to be full" after eating a meal, i.e. your formerly empty stomach was packed with food, and now it's in a state of having been filled.
Starting from "cələɣuma":
"c" -> "ʒ", "ə" -> "e", "ɣ" -> 0 between vowels, yielding "ʒeleuma". To resolve sequence "eu", "e" is from weak vowel "ə", so it simply drops out, leaving "ʒeluma". Then "ʒ" is dissimilated from "e" by "e" being pulled back (while still low and unround) to "a", to harmonize with back "u". Final "a" deleted -- since there are already 2 V's, suiting Uralic / Tungusic word shape, but creating the only strange occurrence of word-final "m", which may not have sounded too bad since it's at least a front-ish nasal like "n", the only common final C. That leaves "ʒalum", QED.
An even more standard word shape would have resulted from deleting the "u", leaving "ʒalma". Why was this not chosen? Perhaps they wanted to emphasize the Eskaleut postbase "uma", which requires keeping the "u", and maybe the "a" was dropped to emphasize the "m" (as the only example where "m" is final). IDK, but anyone's theory will have to explain this sole occurrence of final "m".
Notice that Tungusic and Eskimo share 2 near-homophones, for "climate" and "full", which are semantically unrelated. However, within both P-T and P-E, the roots of these words share 3 of 4 segments, in order -- P-T "ʒal" (then "a" vs. "u") and P-E "cil" (then "a" vs. "ə"). They also share one of the distinguishing final segments -- "a".
ReplyDeleteHomophones cannot be shared between unrelated languages, since, as rare as it is to match one word between languages, matching an unrelated sense with the same sound is equally rare, and multiplied since a homophone pair is a joint event. Rare times rare equals impossible.
These two aren't exactly homophones, but they're damn close. They are not due to coincidence, since it's too unlikely. Rather, their similarity reflects them sharing the first CVC, and only differing on the final V. That final V is not a derivational suffix, since they're not semantically related. They simply happen to sound so similar within each language, due to an accident of sharing the first CVC, and only differing on final V.
For two languages to share these accidental outcomes, means they must be related. Sure, two languages could have a false cognate by accident -- but for that word to also be part of a homophone pair, or near-homophone pair, where the unrelated 2nd sense is the same in both languages? Impossible.
Even if the supposed false cognate in each language did have a homophone or near-homophone, there's nothing driving the 2nd meaning to be the same, since homophony is accidental within all languages.
Suppose you think "climate" is a false cognate in both Tungusic and Eskaleut. Then it turns out there's a near-homophone for that word in both languages. And I tell you that in Tungusic, the near-homophone for "climate" is "full". What do you conclude about the near-homophone for "climate" in Eskaleut? Nothing whatsoever, if you think they're unrelated languages. It's just a member of a homophone in its own language -- the other member of the pair could be "foot", "mother", "to see", or anything else unrelated to "climate". And yet, it's "full" as well in Eskaleut.
Conclusion: they're related by shared ancestry.
P-T "ʒapa" = "to take, grab, hold"
ReplyDeleteWiktionary notes a close match to Korean "japda" (ditto), suggesting a 3rd consonant
P-E "cavət" = "to touch or feel", P-I "captək" = "to grope", P-YS "cavłəɣ" = "handle"
These verbs mean the same thing, and it appears in the P-YS word for "handle" ("cav", or maybe "cavł" reflects "cavt").
It's odd that the Tungusic word begins with "ʒ", which was a strategy to deal with Eskaleut roots (voicing a voiceless stop), yet also has "p", which should have been voiced to "b" for the same reason. But the Korean loan -- or inheritance? if Korean has Eskaleut roots as well? -- shows there used to be an alveolar stop after "p", and that the two medial C's had opposite voicing.
So the P-EA form was likely the same as P-E, "cavət". From there:
"c" -> "ʒ", "ət" metathesized to "tə" to fit standard Uralic / Tungusic word shape of CVCCV, and "ə" harmonized with "a" by moving back (while remaining low and unround) to "a", yielding "ʒavta".
It's unclear what precise route goes from "vt" -> "p", but the overall logic is clear -- "v" wanted to voice to "b", but was devoiced back to "p" or was prevented from voicing in the first place, by the following voiceless "t".
However, since there's no C after "p", it looks more like the two fused together, from either "vt" or "bt". The sequence "bt" only shows up once in P-T, "xebtilē" = "rib" (an early word, judging from "x" instead of "ʒ"). So it's very rare, but not impossible. The fusion must have taken place when the sequence was "vt", then -- labial place from "v", voicelessness and stop manner of "t".
In any case, that yields "ʒapa", QED.
Next is a real wild dogsled ride, hold on! P-T "ʒapkun" = "8", also reconstructed as "ʒabkun" with later devoicing of "b" -> "p" due to following voiceless "k".
ReplyDeleteThe expected cognate in Eskimo, with the least complication, would be "cavkun" or "capkun". So we scroll down the list of Eskimo reconstructions and find this humdinger of a riddle, as something somehow related to the number 8:
P-I "capək" = "drop (n)", "capkut" = "dropper tool", i.e. one that controls the drip of the liquid for precise aiming, as well as not wasting the liquid during pouring.
We'll start with the phonetic derivation, which is easy. Begin the base of "capək":
"c" -> "ʒ", "ək" methathesized to "kə" to fit standard word shape of CVCCV, yielding new base "ʒapkə". To that, add the P-E tool / body part suffix "un", "ʒapkəun", meaning "a dropper tool", now with the connotation of a body part as well.
Base-final "ə" drops out as usual in Eskaleut, yielding "ʒapkun", QED.
Now for the wild-and-crazy exploration of how "dropper tool / body part" relates to "8". Well, numerals come from counting the fingers on the hand, and no matter which direction you start with (pinky or thumb), 8 lands on the middle finger.
ReplyDeleteOK, so how is the middle finger a tool for dripping liquid?
The New World Eskaleut, as well as Arctic Tungusic speakers like Even and Evenki, presently-speaking Yakuts, and linguistically unrelated Chukchi, all share a cultural practice to ice the runners of their sleds, so that there's the least amount of friction as possible. With a thin coating of ice, they have a nice smooth glassy surface, not the rougher texture of the wood, bone, or antler runners themselves.
In the freezing conditions of Siberia and the Arctic, water is a scarce resource -- it freezes so easily. You don't want to waste it. To coat the sled runners with ice, though, you need some water to pour on them. Usually this comes from snow that is held in a storage pouch, then placed into the mouth to warm it up into water. But you only have a mouthful of water to work with, and don't want to waste it -- not to mention, there's not a ton of snow in your storage pouch.
If they just spat the water directly from the mouth onto the runners, that would release too much water at once, wasting most of it, and would not precisely target just the runners, also wasting it. The process would have to be repeated too many times, just to get a single coat of ice.
If they kept their lips only slightly open, like drooling the water out, that would control the speed of the flow, and not waste it as much as spitting. But their aim would still be very scattershot, since water dripping through a simple hole in the bottom of a container doesn't have any guidance or aim.
For a slow pouring speed, and for precise aiming, a spout is needed -- just like any teapot, oil lamp refiller, or gardening water can. Well, they didn't make dedicated vessels with spouts for this purpose, since they would be too bulky, require too much crafting for such a simple task, and so on.
So they improvised -- they used their fingers as a kind of water-slide to guide water away from their mouth. They placed the hand, palm-down, so that the main row of knuckles was directly under the lower lip. Then the lips were slightly opened, to let water flow down. Now, rather than falling straight down, they slid down the length of a finger and dripped off the fingertip. Since their finger is flexible, they can aim the drip for better precision.
And a fingertip is still pretty narrow, so it doesn't disperse and have bad aim, as spitting does. Regardless of where the water is flowing down the finger -- upside, downside, innerside, or outerside -- it all gets channeled back into the center of the long axis when it reaches the fingertip, making it more like a funnel or eyedropper, precise rather than scattershot.
Once they dripped it precisely and without missing / wasting any water, they immediately smoothed the water all over the runner, and just moments later, the freezing environment turned it into a thin coat of ice!
Imagine trying to discover this Tungusic word's origins, without knowing Eskaleut or Eskimo cultural practices, like icing their sled runners! You'd be hopeless! Leave it to the cliff-dwelling sage in the ruins of the blogosphere, I will wander down any secret passageway, as long as I know it will lead to some hidden treasure. ^_^
Why didn't "pk" voice in "ʒapkun", BTW, since this is of Eskaleut origin? Again, it could have begun as "bk", then devoiced back to "pk".
ReplyDeleteIt's a numeral, and not even a milestone numeral, so likely a late word, when they were less strict about inverting the feature redundancy of Eskaleut. By this point, they were mainly focused on the initial C for distinguishing Uralic vs. Eskaleut origin, not so much the medial C's.
Later still, they didn't even worry much about initial C's, but that's near the end of constructing the lexicon, when a few exceptions cannot alter the over-arching pattern of Eskaleut roots having voiced stops / affricates and voiceless fricatives, and the inverse for Uralic roots.
Why was the middle finger used for the makeshift spout? Sometimes the index was used, but the middle finger was preferred cuz it's in the center of the hand, so water is less likely to roll off either side of the hand and miss the target.
ReplyDeleteIt's also longer, and that provides more of a defined path for it to travel, before it leaves the channeling tool, so it has less chance of deviating once it leaves the vessel. Similar to a long-barrel vs. short-barrel gun or a watering can or oiling can with a long vs. short spout.
And it's still easy to utilize, since it's not the ring or pinky fingers, which are harder to move on their own. It's either index or middle finger, for dexterity -- and since the middle finger is longer and not on the edge of the hand, it's favored as the dropper finger.
BTW, returning to Funnel Beaker language sound-symbolism, which has been retained into Germanic and even modern English -- lots of "dr-" onsets relate to liquid falling down in a controlled manner from a source or container. Especially when the rime has "i":
drip, drizzle, dribble, drivel, drink, and I'm guessing "trickle" was probably "drickle" originally. ^_^
Before I finish up the "ʒ" words in a moment, it's worth emphasizing how bizarre they are phonotactically. There are 16 entries at Wiktionary, and only 7 fit the standard P-T word-ending of a vowel. The majority have non-standard endings, very odd.
ReplyDeleteEven the final consonants are strange. For words beginning with any other sound, the only allowed word-final C is "n", plus a plural suffix "l" added to the word for "child", in the word for "children" = "pöril".
But the "ʒ" words have one word each ending in "m", "p", "g", and "r", which have nothing in common with each other or the only common final C, "n".
This is another sign that these are late-entering words, when the standard word shape was no longer so vigorously enforced, and when the phonotactics of final C's was thrown out the window. And, to the main point, when words of Eskaleut origin were not systematically subjected to "inversion of feature redundancy", sometimes only targeting the initial C, sometimes not even that.
So if the sound laws used for "ʒ" words seems less uniform than in the other cases, that's true. The laws of the early, foundational stage had begun to weaken, probably cuz pure Eskaleut speakers were increasingly rare, and Tungusic speakers didn't need to so rigidly distinguish words of Eskaleut vs. Uralic origin. Just get them in the lexicon, and wrap it up already! Nobody's bilingual anymore anyway, so what does it matter if they can tell which words come from which source?
P-T "ʒukun" = "otter"
ReplyDeleteP-E "cikuʀ" = "needle or sharp tip", "cikiaʀ" = "pickaxe"
The best I can make of this name is that it refers to the otter's coat looking spikey when it's wet (which is how most people see them, since they're riverine or sea-based animals). It doesn't have that fine-grained look that dry land animals of a similar look have, like weasels, even though otters are also mustelids like weasels. The dry land ones don't have the big spikes that result from the fur matting into large spikes, after being soaked in water.
So, something like "the one with the spikey body", with the comparison to other mustelids being tacitly understood.
To the base of "cik" or maybe "ciku" = "spike", add the "un" postbase for tools or body parts, since the otter's spikes are formed by its fur, a body part. If the base is "ciku", then "ciku + un" shows a contraction of the 2 "u" vowels, since long vowels can't exist outside the 1st syllable (unless belonging wholly to a suffix).
"c" -> "ʒ", then "ʒ" dissimilated from "i" by "i" pulled back to harmonize with back "u", making it "u". That yields "ʒukun", QED.
P-T "ʒūg" = "house, dwelling, yurt, chum, tipi, etc."
ReplyDeleteP-E "civu" = "in front", "civuqaʀ" = "area or part in front"
The whole dwelling is referred to by one of its most salient parts -- the front part, before you even enter through the door / portal / entrance. This root, in the context of dwelling, refers to a porch or veranda or anteroom / mud-room, etc. For pit-homes, it refers to the long approaching passage before the entrance to the main residential room.
The original word could have been the same as P-E "civuqaʀ". Starting from there:
"c" -> "ʒ", "q" -> "g", word-final C deleted since it's just a dictionary form case ending and there's already 3 C's, yielding "ʒivuga".
"v" -> 0 between vowels, and "ʒ" dissimilated from "i" by "i" being pulled back to harmonize with back "u", becoming "u", and the "uu" sequence becomes "ū" since long vowels are allowed in 1st syllable. That yields "ʒūga", which requires an irregular or unmotivated deletion of the final vowel to yield the required "ʒūg", giving it the very odd word-ending of "g" (the only word in all of P-T).
But anyone's theory will have to accept the totally irregular ending of this word.
It's a late word, and clearly the rules about word-final V's had relaxed (at least for "ʒ" words). So perhaps final "a" shaded into a schwa, then deleted due to weakness and lack of stress.
At least there's no voiceless stops in this Eskaleut-origin word, as in "ʒukun" just before.
And that's every "ʒ" word in P-T -- every single one from Eskaleut origins! ^_^
Interlude on backwards hats in American cultural history and ethnogenesis. I'll be writing more, but first just want to file an IRL report. I tried to just ignore it, or sleep on it, but she's still in my thoughts a week later, so...
ReplyDeleteLast week in the thrift store, out of nowhere a girl appeared who looked like she'd transported from the '90s. Light-to-medium blue loose-fitting jeans, her only top was a dark magenta bandeau wrapped around her flat chest, tan skin on full display, and a teal ballcap ("dad hat") worn backwards. Not a fitted hat, but the strap-closing kind, where the strap goes across the forehead and/or bangs.
What I'll write about later, is the place of this kind of hat in the history of distinctly American clothing styles. It's one of the least Euro-looking or Old World-looking things we have ever come up with. But it actually ties into a longer history of distinctly American headwear, in fact it was the last new variation on the theme, before American culture died in the 21st century.
Of course the color combo of purple and green instantly took me back to the '90s, but it was more than that with her. She looked just like a girl I went to middle school with, when those styles were new and exciting. Tall, slender, tan, medium-length light-to-medium brown hair parted in the middle, cute girl-next-door facial features... I had to double-check my yearbooks from that time, and yes, this girl was a reincarnation in more ways than the sartorial. ^_^
She noticed me back, and we danced around each other in nearby aisles, but I don't think she wanted to be approached, just admired for her retro '90s / y2k look that she probably researched on TikTok (whoever taught her did a good job). Plus she was in her late teens or early 20s, might not want to hear some literal '90s teen talk about the good ol' days, which she never got to experience...
However, a few songs later, the speaker system started playing "There She Goes", the '90s cover by Sixpence None the Richer. OK, I can take a hint from the music gods. I would have been whistling along to that song anyway, but I made an effort to try and find her, and she found me, too, both walking down a main corridor toward each other, while I kept whistling the tune, and gave her some eye-contact. She didn't return it that time, but she didn't swerve away either, she was swaying her head side to side to the melody, smiling, wide-eyed, etc., just looking forward instead of locking eyes like when we first saw each other.
ReplyDeleteIf it had been the actual '90s, or even the 2000s, we would've chatted each other up a bit, but since it's the 2020s and all social connections have been severed permanently, no such luck. Not even being a hot and stylish guy will provoke a verbal response from them anymore... I wasn't trying to get her number or anything, I just wanted to gush about what a rejuvenating and welcome breath of fresh air she was for a '90s teen. But I think that message got across to her nonetheless, since I was whistling an iconic '80s-then-'90s tune right at her as we passed by each other.
She didn't have a device out, wasn't staring down at anything or off to the side. It was just that semi-nervous thing girls do where they look straight ahead, and hope to catch you looking at them out of the corner of their eye. They don't want to come on too strong, seem desperate or eager, etc. We didn't do that in the '90s, it was a more socially harmonious and cooperative time. But since the late '90s in fact, and especially during the discordant phase of the 50-year civil discord cycle, which peaked in the early 2020s, every social interaction is a zero-sum contest or game of who can be the most aloof and get the most attention.
She really wasn't that bad of an example of that trend, it just kept it from being an authentic '90s moment. But I guarantee she's never had a hot guy whistle her a melody face-to-face, let alone to such a romantic pining song, from her preferred zeitgeist, no less. So maybe that psyched her up enough, so that next time, or the time after, she'll be more comfortable around boys in public.
She was pretty comfortable, but she still had her guard up somewhat... and the only thing that can counteract that, is for random guys to lower their guard around her, to show her that fair is fair, guys are willing to drop their guard if she's willing, and it's not a zero-sum contest, social interaction should be a cooperative game of exchanging eye-contact, a few pleasantries, maybe flirting, and then going on with the rest of your day feeling nice and warm and fuzzy inside.
I know, what am I complaining about, if it was 80% a good experience? I'm not complaining, I'm a chronicler, and I'm just noting that although we seem to be out of the absolute abysmal depths of the 2010s, regarding the "staring down at devices" trend, we're still not even close to being out of the woods.
ReplyDeleteAnd she was just at the right age to be going through a social growth spurt, when the Covid hysteria shut everything down, depriving Zoomers of socialization at a critical developmental period. It's a miracle she isn't bedrotmaxxing like most girls her age.
I almost wanted to thank her out loud, for leaving the house and showing up in public, and putting in the effort to look cool and fun-loving. It really was a sight for sore eyes, girls of all types are just totally under self-imposed lockdown for the past several years, after Covid was over. The only time you catch them out and about is going to the grocery store, to avoid starvation. Otherwise, they just won't go out, not to stores, parks, or anywhere.
Even 10 years ago, they and their friends would be out to some degree, normies, alt girls, and everyone in between. They were not as socially open while in public, as their counterparts from the '80s or early '90s, but they at least did leave the house and want to be in public -- just with their guard up. So this girl was at least a breath of fresh air from 2015.
But for that first moment when we locked eyes, she did seem like she was straight outta the '90s, and we were in a high school hallway on the first day of school. Which recently began, didn't it? Maybe she was in literal first-day-of-school mode.
Everyone always made such an effort to make a statement on the first day of school... I doubt her school let her show up wearing only a bandeau on top, but maybe she had on a baggy shirt over top, semi-unbuttoned, and then took it off once school was over. Or she's in college, and there's no such dress code.
What is it about a girl wearing a backwards hat? Well, it's a distinctly American style, so it's like seeing "American folk costume" on display IRL, and that's refreshing, so that American culture isn't just some online museum exhibit, but something you can experience IRL.
ReplyDeleteBut it's more than that, it's revealing a character trait, like she's confident and socially independent, not insecure, not hive-minded, but still wanting to engage with others rather than wall herself off.
You can't make a fashion statement without wanting some kind of back-and-forth social engagement. But if you're doing something a little outside the majority, you're also showing you're confident and not obsessed with peer-pressure and so on. And yet, it's not "outside the mainstream" in the sense of attacking American culture like a resentful iconoclast or destroyer or corroder, just wearing something that not everybody else wears, while still being recognizably all-American.
"Why is your hat backwards?" IDK, it's just quirky and fun -- what's wrong with good-natured fun? There was nothing confrontational or in-yer-face about the backwards hat of the '90s. It was just cool, and lighthearted and good-natured.
It's a little provocative, but in a cheerleading kind of way, provoking a positive response. Livening up the mood a little. A one-woman cheer squad...
That was a major part of the appeal about the backwards-hat-girl -- she didn't have a clique of girl friends who would act hive-mindedly toward you. She was her own person -- as shown by the backwards hat! Not everybody wears their hat that way, y'know. Nothing wrong with girls being hive-minded and clique-y, but it *is* a breath of fresh air when one of them is comfortable and confident on her own, so you two can just interact on your own, without her friends trying to block you, criticize you, and so on.
Most girls HATE girls like that, since she's cutting them out of their little social managerial role as gatekeeper of beings friends with her. She has decided to be her own gatekeeper, and if she likes someone, she likes them, and if not, not, but bowing to a clique has nothing to do with it.
As guys mature socially, it's less and less terrifying to be subjected to the inspection of a girl's clique-mates. You get used to it. But when you're just going through adolescence, you're already nervous around girls -- what's she going to think about you? But when there's a clique that she's a part of, now you have to be 2nd-order nervous -- what are her clique-mates going to think, about what she thinks about you? It's not just you they're inspecting, they're inspecting her and gatekeeping her.
She may be fine with interacting with you, but her clique-mates think that attitude is too cavalier, and they're going to insert themselves between you, in her best interest, or so they say. Maybe if she's the type who needs protecting, that's fine. But it's always a breath of fresh air when she isn't that type, and can just cut out the gatekeeping middlemen, or middle-girls as it were.
It's the same vibe that a girl gives off who's wearing only a bandeau on top, while having a small chest. It just doesn't phase her at all -- "who cares how big my boobs are?" Also, girls who say that usually have great buns anyway. ^_^ But even if she weren't a sex bomb somewhere else, it just doesn't phase her. She's too comfortable in her own body, whatever it happens to be shaped like.
ReplyDeleteAnd remember, girls usually don't dress to seduce random guys in the population at large. They mainly dress to impress other girls, or cattily compete with them, or whatever. It's mainly the opinions of other girls that they have in mind, not what guys think.
Hardly any other girls would egg her on to wear only a bandeau on top. That's showing way too much skin, and they don't like feeling like they're now pressured to show that much skin, or else lose the contest for male attention.
But she's not like them -- she's not showing that much skin in order to gain the upper-hand in the contest for male attention. She's just comfortable in her body, wants to RETVRN to nature, and is a free-spirited aspiring noble savage. Why not go out looking au naturel?
Maybe her clique-mates would try to prevent her from wearing that, in her own interests so that the small size of her chest wasn't so obvious. What will the boys think? "You should at least stuff your bra, if you're going to wear just a bandeau!"
But she doesn't really care what the boys think either -- not if they're that obsessed with big boobs. She only wants to interact with the ones who appreciate her gestalt attractiveness, not zooming in on where da juggzzz are supposed to be. Lithe, tan, cute, smiley -- what's not to be attracted to, juggzzz or no juggzzz?
I didn't spin around to check out her buns, but I'll bet they were great anyway.
Even if they weren't, she was too cute to ignore, she really lit the place up with her mood-lifting fun-loving energy or charisma (or vibe or aura or whatever they're calling it these days) -- something that a heaving chest or a bubble butt can never do on its own.
So, whether it's the opinion of the girl hive-mind or the dude hive-mind, she just couldn't care less -- not hating them or antagonizing them, just merrily marching on to the beat of a different drum. ^_^
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JmM-mKss54c
That kind of attitude is not just liberating in an individual sense, for the girl herself -- it puts the guy at ease, too, freeing him from the dread that he's being confronted by the girl-hive, instead of her herself. It's impossible not to cheer up around girls like her...
No one ever wrote a love song about, "I think we're part of a hive now". It goes, "I think we're alone now" -- "Just the two of us" -- and so on.
ReplyDeleteThat's how the "girl who's her own girl" makes you feel, right away, and the whole time you're with her. ^_^
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=w6Q3mHyzn78
And now for a few style icons of the backwards hat girl heyday of the '90s. An early crush of mine, Al (the tomboy form of Alicia) from Step by Step. Nothing says down-to-earth like a forest green backwards hat...
ReplyDeletehttps://www.the-sun.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/6/2023/09/august-16-1993-842924466.jpg?resize=789,960
The protag from The Secret World of Alex Mack, flashing an engaging smile rather than a haughty or competitive look like her 2010s descendants would look. My younger brother had a huge crush on her.
https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0108921/mediaviewer/rm1673525761/
I went through my middle school yearbooks, spanning fall of '92 to spring of '95, and it seems like *the* year of the backwards hat girl was 1994. There's a collage of the trip that us 7th-graders took to the zoo, and there's a candid portrait of two BFFs, both wearing backwards hats! One of them even has a bit of her bangs dangling down over her eye -- and she wasn't even emo! Both of them were the pretty, popular preppy type. They idolized Alicia Silverstone from Clueless, before that movie even came out. It really was an all-American look, not just rocker chicks or rapper chicks or whatever else -- the popular girls who dressed preppy wore backwards hats.
In fact, one of the science teacher chaperons is wearing his hat backwards, too! He was definitely NOT the "I'm still cool" kind of teacher. He was the consciously fuddy-duddy, absent-minded professor type. That's what made it so funny, even he was joining the trend, which he must have seen the kids doing during the bus ride to the zoo. As I said when reviewing old yearbook videos, during the '80s and first half of the '90s, the school environment really was one great big happy community and extended family...
Also from around '94, more of a rocker or indie babe, manning the high school radio station, with not only a backwards hat, but a flannel shirt, and several rings with prominent stones in them. As hinted at by the Wayne's World soundtrack CD nearby, there was a resurgence of interest in the '60s and '70s during the '90s. Mood rings and other hippie / boho kind of jewelry was part of that, even if hippies didn't wear backwards hats.
https://www.taboracademy.org/the-rock-of-marion
Even Playboy covers memorialized the free-spirited backwards hat girl, quite earlier than other forms of pop culture, in fact. Here's the semi-SFW 1991 cover girl Julie Clarke, whose hot pink backwards hat is amplified by quirky large earrings, multiple bracelets and watches, multicolor gloves, and a pair of blue rollerblades -- the ultimate symbol of charting her own nomadic gypsy course through life, just cruising around.
ReplyDeletehttps://www.flickr.com/photos/63969880@N02/5872111739
More than a pretty face and hot bod, this kind of girl brings a spontaneous spark of joy to wherever her meandering ways carry her. In the good ol' days they really made an effort to make their models play characters or roles, by using wardrobe and set design, to humanize the models, not just "hey, getta loada dis chick's juggzzz..." There used to be style and glamour to it, and a good-natured relationship with the audience, too, not dehumanizing them by saying, "you're just subhuman scum that only wants to oogle da juggzzz, well here ya go, just some random naked chick with no context, showing off da goodzzz..."
This was many years before Rollergirl in Boogie Nights, and would have felt more like Olivia Newton-John's rollerskating goddess from Xanadu. Neither of whom wore backwards hats, though. Rollerskating was the perfect athletic connotation so that she wasn't too tomboyish, but still wasn't an ordinary girl. Surfer girl would have been another perfect choice. Or skateboarding, like in the video for "Free Fallin'" by Tom Petty.
Rollerskating has more of a graceful, dancing motion, like an angel swooping in to cheer up the lives of us mere mortals. You don't get that effect with other sports that girls play.
So graceful and angelic that the cover of Playboy hardly seems pornographic at all. She was a backwards hat girl, after all, impossible to objectify and treat like some random bod. She's so down-to-earth and relatable, it's very disarming to guys who would otherwise leer at an adult magazine cover. She's hot, but you don't feel like leering. You want to be her friend so that her joyful spontaneity is a constant positive presence in your life, even though you're aware these backwards-hat-wearing rollerblading types are like gypsies, and may wander into and out of your life in the blink of an eye...
That dizzying spell they cast on you leaves no time for you to objectify them. You're too wonderstruck, and that feels better than cheaply leering at some random bod. They make you appreciative, not greedy. Everyday angels, although not dedicated guardian types, more like Santa Claus who has to zip all around the world, lighting up everyone's lives.
Anyone who lived it, is still grateful for the free-spirited backwards hat honeys of the '90s. It's not just a costume you can LARP, it has to be an expression of your personality or character type. Back then, the girl next door had such a personality. Now it's vanishingly rare, but it's still just as appreciated when it swoops into your life -- and then, just like that, right back out of it...
The headband as distinctly American headwear, adopted from the Indians. Well, before getting started on this journey through American ethnogenesis and folk costume, this is what the backwards hat of the '80s and '90s was fitting into, the very last original variation on a long ongoing theme -- the headband.
ReplyDeleteSpecifically, a headband that crosses horizontally over the forehead rather than rise over the top of the crown, sitting lower rather than higher. The vertical kind is pretty American, too, but it's more of a variation on the original horizontal kind, and there's a continuous gray area where it's sitting at an angle. And the vertical kind is not borrowed from the Indians, so it's less iconic of our New World cultural milieu.
I was struggling to think about where this offbeat backwards hat trend came from, what it was supposed to mean... then seeing all those free-spirited girls sporting them in '90s pop culture (and IRL pictures preserved in yearbooks), it hit me -- they were tapping into the hippie / boho headband. It's a piece of headwear, with a prominent horizontal band running across the forehead, maybe showing the forehead skin, maybe the bangs instead, sitting lower rather than higher on the head, and the horizontal orientation is reinforced by the bill in the back side also being more horizontal than vertical.
That's why the fitted hats don't strike quite the same iconic all-American note -- it just looks like a skull cap, not a band or bandeau or bandana. That adjusting strap in the "back" of the hat was certainly not intended to be a visual band or bandeau, and certainly not intended to be seen from the front. It was just some utilitarian gadget to make them one-size-fits-all, and cost-efficient to mass-produce.
And yet, leave it to the American sense of defining a new style for a new nation, to repurpose that utilitarian / efficiency gadget for a purely aesthetic purposes, as an in-group marker and shibboleth, connected in a long chain to other across-the-forehead bands that root it deep in American culture.
There was a huge revival of late '60s and '70s culture during the '90s, but it wasn't just LARP-ing and reviving. Well, some of it was LARP-ing, like That '70s Show and Austin Powers and Boogie Nights. There were non-parodying earnest retrospectives like Dazed and Confused, too. And then there were totally original variations on the same underlying theme, since America still had a little gas left in its creative tank. And so, the backwards hat was born -- the kind with a strap! Otherwise, it just wouldn't look like a headband...
The '90s were coming off of the insane energy levels of the neon New Wave '80s, to a more lowkey and laid-back vibe. And Gen X began replacing the go-go cocaine-fueled careerist yuppie Boomers as the hip new generation. The era of the unpretentious slacker had arrived, the perfect opportunity to reincarnate the stylistic markers of their bohemian ancestors from the '60s and '70s. Emphasis on "reincarnate" -- same spirit, novel yet recognizable form.
As I said, everyone aspired to this style, and lived this lowkey anti-yuppie life. Yes, including the pretty popular preppy girls. Those two with the backwards hats were famous for being ditzy, not overly serious competitive strivers. Our 9th grade English (woman) teacher affectionately called them Tweedle Dee and Tweedle Dum -- adorable, ditzy, and definitely *not* model students.
ReplyDeleteBeing a study-nerd was still totally uncool in the '90s, so the popular girls, too, upheld the banner of the slacker, even if they weren't into alternative rock, skateboarding, smoking pot, or whatever other stereotypes of the slacker from the media.
They were cool with those kinds of kids, they just didn't need to be into grunge in order to feel like coasting and being cool rather than making all of life into a high-pressure status contest. I keep trying to emphasize for Millennials and Zoomers who only grew up with frenemies and mean girls, there was no such thing in the '80s or first half of the '90s. And that pair was one of the last to be referred to affectionately as "twins" rather than sarcastically as frenemies etc.
And they didn't team up in order to wage combat against the rest of their peers, like a mean girls clique. Girls in the good ol' days simply did not have a bitchy or catty bone in their body. Much like Tweedle Dee and Tweedle Dum, they were comic relief and enjoyable to be around.
It was fun being around just one of them, but if they were in a class together, their twin-brain went into overdrive, and their good-natured ditzy mischief could not be stopped -- not even by the teacher calling them Tweedle Dee and Tweedle Dum.
I really miss those two... ^_^
Starting with the mature phase of the headband's adoption as a marker of American cultural identity, the form that everyone now thinks of -- the '60s and '70s hippie / boho kind.
ReplyDeleteAs a sign of how much creative spark was still left in America, that zeitgeist produced several variations on the theme, just within its own time. There was the simple leather or suede strap, the one with a geometric bead grid design running across the front (and maybe the sides and back for good measure), the kind with tiny seashells across the front, the kind with a print on fabric, the really au naturel garland type made from plant stems, grass, and flowers... and that's just the basic material!
The way of securing them around the head varied as well -- keeping it as close to a ring as possible, or letting one or both ends dangle down dramatically, or fixing separate tails to dangle down from around the temple area, and whether the knot was in the center of the back or off to one side...
And if there were tails of any kind, were they simply pieces of fringe material, or did they have little feathers or shells or beads or other ornaments on the ends?
To get into the proper mood, rather than linking a whole bunch of separate images, see the many slideshows of the era, set to "San Francisco" by Scott McKenzie, with the memorable refrain, "If you're going to San Francisco / Be sure to wear some flowers in your hair".
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7I0vkKy504U
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PQHb4z0prjo
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pVrpqOzAbmQ
That last one is preparing for the Monterey International Pop Festival of 1967, where the song debuted. The event's promo poster features a repurposed photo of Canadian dancer Maud Allan, from her 1906 portrayal of Salome.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Monterey_International_Pop_Music_Festival_poster.jpg
This not only rooted the psychedelic style in Art Nouveau, it was part of American ethnogenesis, whereby we ditched our Euro and even Indo-Euro origins, and claimed descent from various Saharo-Arabian cultures instead, mainly Egypt but the Levant in general, the ziggurat-builders of Mesopotamia, camel nomads of the Sahara and Arabian deserts, and so on. And sure enough, the American (or Canadian) portrayal of Salome requires a headband rather than a full headscarf or veil. The jargon is "diadem" or "circlet", but it's what we recognize as a headband. It even has dangly tails with ornaments!
The 1906 portrayal of Salome shows that the exotic Saharo-Arabian version of this theme did not have to wait for the Egyptian mania that the flappers indulged in during the 1920s, after King Tut's tomb was discovered. It goes right back to the beginning of American ethnogenesis, after our integrative civil war wrapped up, during the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
We were so desperate to sever our links to Euro and Indo-Euro cultures, that we erected the world's tallest structure of its day -- an Egyptian obelisk, the Washington Monument, which remains iconic of American architecture long after its completion in the 1880s.
The heavily jeweled circlet never caught on as the main form of the headband in America, since it was considered too royal and decadent, not for everyday Americans who were still naive and earnest and innocent.
Don't let that Art Nouveau Salome fool you, the '60s / '70s scene was well aware of the true origins and inspiration for the headband -- the New World Indians. Here's a contemporaneous ad for hippie / boho headbands and similar accessories, consciously invoking the Indian roots of the style:
ReplyDeletehttps://www.reddit.com/r/vintageads/comments/iojehr/land_o_lakes_native_design_jewelry_and_leather_ad/
Girls -- what's stopping you from looking like this...? ^_^
That hippie fashion offer was operated by none other than Land O'Lakes, the dairy producer from Minnesota's Twin Cities, whose own logo has featured a Native American babe since its founding in the 1920s. Naturally, she wears a prominent decorated headband worn across the forehead.
https://1000logos.net/land-olakes-logo
One of my coolest chepie thrift store finds (for only 50 cents, back in the golden age of thrifting, during the 2010s), is a metal recipe box painted to look just like the original packaging, where it's a genre landscape painting with the woman in profile and off-center. I don't use it to hold recipe cards, but as its inspiration was intended -- to hold 4 sticks of butter in the fridge! It's so cool... ^_^
This also reveals the role of the Midwest as an incubator of American ethnogenesis, where Indians were still valued and sought as sources of inspiration for our new, New World culture. Architecturally, that would culminate in Frank Lloyd Wright's visit to California, where he adapted Central American step pyramids into the newly born American style.
The hippies and boho's of the '60s and '70s had seen that Land O'Lakes babe for their entire lives growing up, not to mention similar portrayals during the Western movie and TV series craze of the '50s and '60s.
It goes back right to our first encounters with the Indians themselves, who were always noted for wearing headbands of various types -- the leather / suede strap, some kind of colorful fabric wrapped around and tied or tucked in, the colorful beaded patterns from out West, the kinds with leather fringe and feathers attached to the ends, and everything in between. That was aside from the highly ornamental war bonnets or headdresses for high-ranking figures. Ordinary members of their culture wore headbands as well, just not the high-falutin' ones.
Paintings by American artists of Indians in their native costume showed them wearing headbands since the beginning. See several by George Catlin:
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:George_Catlin_-_The_White_Cloud,_Head_Chief_of_the_Iowas_-_Google_Art_Project.jpg
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:C%C3%B3l-lee,_a_Band_Chief_Cherokee_by_George_Catlin_(1985.66.285)_Smithsonian.jpg
https://sv.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fil:Ten-sq%C3%BAat-a-way.jpg
Although the medium shifted to photography, portrayals of Indians kept showing them wearing headbands into the 20th C, such as this series by Emma Freeman, shot during the 1910s. Among the tribes of Northern California, it was already headband city *well* in advance of the Summer of Love!
https://www.boredpanda.com/freeman-collection-native-americans
And that is the true origin of the headband as an distinctly American piece of headwear -- adopting something clearly New World from the native cultures, to fit in better with our new environment, and to make it clear we're no longer Europeans or Indo-Europeans. We're headband-wearers. ^_^
In 2004, there was a techno-dance song that sampled "San Francisco", "The Sound of San Francisco" by Austria's Global Deejays. As you can see from the music video, headbands became cemented in the public mind with that era.
ReplyDeletehttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8kjpPgmidUM
Although I never got to experience the Summer of Love, I did get to dance to that song during the last heyday of danceclub culture, during the 2000s and early 2010s, before it bit the dust over the course of the 2010s, and will never return ever again, despite Covid hysteria having been over for years now. You need to like people and trust people to dance around them, and Americans hate each other's guts and look at each other suspiciously, so no more dancing forever.
That song was an example of the 2000s techno songs that began with "Sandstorm" by Darude from 1999, where there was a periodic chorus or phase where the thump-thump, un-tsss beat stopped dead in its tracks, while a peaceful, atmospheric, often acoustic passage played to fill the void. I normally hate that kind of dance song -- periodically crippling the dancers, instead of just letting them do their thing.
But in this case, it was allowable since it gave it that wistful nostalgic feel -- simpler times, days gone by, before the arrival of un-tsss techno music. It was a nice emotional contrast, even if it slowed the movement down multiple times during the song. That's when you just start gliding by doing light hops on one foot several times, then switching feet. That allows you to keep in motion, but slowing it down somewhat, and that gliding motion makes it feel like a slow dance at the roller rink from the good ol' days... pretty fun, if done right.
"Feel Good Inc." by Gorillaz, from the same year, had the same dynamic. Gliding through those drum-free acoustic atmospheric passages, then getting more jumpy and aggressive when it switched back to the regular danceclub part.
I never liked "Sandstorm" for that reason -- you can't do much of anything corporeally during those silent atmospheric sections. It's just dead silent, then the regular chord progressions begin again, first quiet, then turning up the volume. So it's not like a different instrument or emotional tone or anything, just literally freezing the dancers dead in their tracks. I hated that -- let us dance, dammit! In the Global Deejays and Gorillaz songs, the acoustic guitar is used as a rhythm instrument, albeit just light strumming, but it was some kind of beat rather than no beat whatsoever in the Darude song.
Man, I really miss packed danceclubs no matter when you went out... I was acrobatically dancing non-stop for 4 hours straight, at least twice per weekend, sometimes 3 times if I didn't take a break on Friday (in between '80s night on Thursday, and the main Saturday night crowd 2 days later). In the summer of 2008, I was going out 4 nights a week, to an off-night Tuesday session, where there were only 10 people max, but still, getting some dancing time in on a week night.
ReplyDeleteElder Millennials remember that final dying gasp of danceclub culture -- they were most of the crowd I was surrounded by, in fact. But I don't think late Millennials, and certainly Zoomers, will ever know what it's like to pick any random club -- or establish a favorite / regular spot -- and every Saturday night, just go melt into the superorganic crowd, shutting off the cerebral part of your brain, and just being a totally corporeal animal, in a crowd though, not just going crazy by yourself.
That was one of the earliest victims of woketard iconoclasm during the 2010s -- dance clubs. If you don't fully trust everyone there, you will NOT be moving around, letting your guard down to cut loose, and in fact you probably won't even go there to begin with. Too "toxic" and "problematic".
I'll never forgive woketard Millennials for killing off dance clubs, not just for selfish reasons cuz I still want to go out dancing, but cuz it deprived the entire next generation of that rite of passage and weekend leisure activity.
Yeah, Zoomers don't trust each other, and are socially awkward -- cuz all the environments that are designed to take in socially and corporeally awkward people, and transform them into fun-lovers and mischief-makers, were systematically shut down by Millennials, who pulled the dance club ladder up after they aged out of the scene at 27, just in time to snag a fake email job that Zoomers won't even get as a consolation prize.
To foreshadow the new wave of headband styles after the hippie / boho stage, and sticking with the 2000s dance club revival of retro sounds, also from 2004, when '80s revival was in full swing, here's "Call on Me" by Eric Prydz.
ReplyDeletehttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qetW6R9Jxs4
It samples "Valerie" by Steve Winwood from 1982, and the music video leans heavily into the aerobics mania, and its obligatory fashion statement -- the sweatband, naturally worn across the forehead, not vertically. It just wouldn't be so quintessentially American otherwise!
Like "Sandstorm", I hated dancing to this one, cuz the quiet parts are just totally dead rhythmically. One of the quiet passages keeps the thump-thump bass on the on-beats, but the hi-hats on the off-beats are gone. And in the final quiet passage, which should build toward the climax, there's no rhythm whatsoever! Just that keyboard sequence playing over and over, which does not have enough of a percussive timbre to get your body moving to a steady beat. A pick striking guitar strings has some kind of impact to it, but synth warbles do not, they're too blobby and mushy. Might as well sit on the sidelines...
You see what the overall purpose was, though, right? To take the listener out of the crazy thumping modern-day craziness, hush them up, and tell them, "Shhh, you hear that? If you're quiet enough, you can still hear 'Valerie' faintly echo-ing across the ruins of Danceteria, like a visit from the Ghost of Disco Past..."
Yeah, I get it -- but don't totally strip out all the rhythm during those quiet passages!
Dance clubs used to be sites for male bonding, too (no homo). If you think you've seen guys hype each other up in a gym -- you've never been to a dance club. It gets a lot rowdier than a controlled environment like a gym.
ReplyDeleteI almost always went alone, since I was the life of the party, and could make friends with literally anyone and everyone, assuming they weren't creepy. And sure, college babes or high school girls with fake ID's would routinely ask for me to pull them up on stage to dance with me, surround me from all sides and grind away... the usual horniness from being 22.
But guys who are 22 also have crazy hormones, they just express it differently when you're a dude. They want to join the life of the party, too, not just be a wallflower. There was always a group of frat dudes or whoever they were, who joined me on the stage, hyping each other up.
And although my fondest memories naturally involve the dudettes, the dudes remembering me and giving me nicknames etc. brings back good memories of when guys were friends with each other as well. I'll never forget one came up to me asking if my name was "Dan" -- I said, no, why? "Oh, well some of the guys call you Dan, Dan, the '80s Man!" I literally LOL'd. Glad to be a positive role model for all the young dudes out there... ^_^
It was the same with tutoring and teaching -- the girls all had a huge crush on me, but the guys looked up to me, too. I was one of the only people they'd ever met who was a math wiz, but also verbally and socially intelligent enough to convey that to the math-averse. And guys and girls both appreciate someone who's really into what they do, while being socially atuned as well, not just endlessly rambling about their obsessions...
That's what this blog is for! ^_^
Also, here's a better link for the "Sound of San Francisco" video, that other one was 240 trash.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WNnD2MWoPNI
A widespread source of Zoomer male indignation is older guys treating them like crap, ignoring them, competing with them sexually (stealing their would-be gf's with their ill-gotten corporate parasite income), jealously guarding all the cool stuff that some previous generation of guys passed along to them, and now is no longer being paid forward, etc.
ReplyDeleteMaybe it's cuz I never sold my soul to the corporate devil parasite, but I've never been that way. If anything, I do try to egg on -- er, encourage -- young guys, if they're feeling risk-averse. During Covid, I drove around blasting "Electric Love" when that was the popular TikTok trend, "letting my friend know I have a crush on them by kissing them to this song". School dances were dead, everything was dead -- the least I could do was be a music-mobile to egg them on about confessing their feelings to each other. Hehe. They all smiled, too, they knew it was good-natured prodding by the unc-mobile driver. ^_^
And I tutored and mentored them just as much as I did their female age-mates. It was just whoever's parents wanted to pay me, not me trying to take on only female students so I could flirt with them, and getting annoyed at male students asking me to tutor them. I had no problem with guys.
But then, that's why I'm not at the top of the self-destructing institutions, whose meritless elites are blowing them up from inside. I would have kept them standing and thriving, but it was the wrong time in the imperial lifespan, by the time I would be rising up them. By the 21st century, the only thing rising is garbage. If you're a psycho, parasite, scammer, nepo baby, etc., is all that counts, or protected ethnicity or generation (Boomer).
I don't mind being a cliff-dwelling sage in the ruins of the blogosphere, I can only follow my calling according to the realities of the time and place I'm living in. But it would have been better in the good ol' days. Evil talentless garbage did not parasitize its way to the top of every institution in society -- that's why it was the good ol' days. They had good elites, we have garbage elites.
But I was also never a "bros before hoes" guy. That's a loser Millennial trait. Gen X-ers like girls.
ReplyDeleteIf you're a Zoomer and use the term "foid", you are aping the worst part of your Millennial oppressors. They're using their fake email job income to steal your potential gf's, and then gassing you up about foid this and foid that, so that you stay functionally gay and pose minimal threat to their hunt for Zoomette pussy.
If the Millennial bros snagged a fake email job and/or a cheap mortgage prior to 2023 or whenever, they can afford to talk shit about foids -- they have the material resources to entice those foids to overlook their use of the word "foid". You, a Zoomer with a bullshit job or no job and never owning real estate -- canNOT afford to use the word "foid", or even think it.
And no, you can't use "foid" ironically. When you make it a habit, you become it. The more you talk like a de facto gay incel, the more you seal your fate to being exactly that.
And that's assuming the bros gassing you up about "foids" aren't just literally gay and trying to get you to hate girls so you'll desperately show your dick to them in a group chat -- 90% probability if it's an online social media platform. In their day, they learned the hard way that that type of guy was just a gay creep, but they won't pass that knowledge on to you, so you don't learn the hard way.
Gen X-ers never had to worry about this online crap, but we also didn't have male frenemies or gay creeps trying to manipulate us. And gerontocracy was bad, but not as vicious as now.
The point is: if you insist on being a girl-hater, as a Zoomer, you only get the shitty part of that deal -- being untouched and unnoticed forever. You don't get the cushy fake email job, or its ability to buy off some "foid" who will put up with your girl-hating cuz you're her sugar daddy. A Zoomer sugar daddy? They will never exist. For the love of God, quit thinking you're going to have it as good as previous generations, if you just act like them.
If all we need to own multiple real estate properties was "just act like Jeff Spicoli", all generations would be wealthy landowners, not only the Boomers.
The false consciousness across the generational divide is insane. Just cuz you performatively hate on girls like a Millennial, doesn't mean you'll get his fake email job or ability to buy off a sugar baby. Aside from being a traitor to your generation, you'll fail in your attempt to betray your generation! You can't leave your gen just by aping some other one. You can't be trans-generational any more than you can be transgender.
"Gen X-ers like girls."
DeleteEspecially girls like these. Fit yet feminine:
https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=KrdNDBlbkxU&list=RDKrdNDBlbkxU&start_radio=1&pp=ygUdc2F2ZWQgYnkgdGhlIGJlbGwgcGVyZm9ybWFuY2WgBwE%3D
Black Americans adopted the headband as well in the '60s and '70s, lest this be thought of as "white cultural appropriation of indigenous bla bla bla bla bla...." If you were American, you became a headband-wearer.
ReplyDeleteJimi Hendrix wore headbands regularly, so much so that they're just as valuable as memorabilia as guitar picks and other purely musical items.
https://www.tmz.com/2024/02/03/jimi-hendrix-headband-auction-bidding-guitar
Sly Stone was more of a big-ass-hat wearer, but he donned headbands as well.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Sly_Stone.jpg
George Clinton and Bootsie Collins:
https://gatheringofthevibes.com/wp-content/uploads/george-clinton-01-4-31.jpg
https://images.fineartamerica.com/images/artworkimages/medium/3/1-bootsy-collins-concert-photos.jpg
Even after the psychedelic funk heyday was over, La Toya Jackson kept the free-spirited flame alive in the '80s and '90s, making headbands her signature look, including Jazz Age revival types with studded jewels, but mainly the new type of thin twisted fabric in alternating color bands, for the New Wave / aerobics look.
https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/american-singer-la-toya-jackson-1986-news-photo/89831324
Needless to say, the backwards hat was popular with black Americans in the '80s and '90s as well.
But headbands worn across the forehead remained staples as well, most notably worn by Tupac Shakur, connecting '90s gangsta rap with the '60s and '70s counter-culture era. Much like the ballcap, it was worn backwards, with the knot in the front.
https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcQmeAxGwlp1ii3FCXopOkBq86UYURAtInz6OlRcm-tnOg&s=10
None of these were carried over from Africa, they were invented or adopted from Native Americans during the early 20th C., and anyone who was American had to adopt them to some degree, maybe in a sub-cultural version, but still taking part in an all-American identity, as headband-wearers.
A wonderful gallery & history of 1920s headbands, from the heyday of blogs, and written during the Great Gatsby craze of the early 2010s. We'll see headbands of other types being revived around that time, in a bit.
ReplyDeletehttps://vintagedancer.com/1920s/six-1920s-headband-styles-you-can-wear-today
There were fabric types, not just metal & gemstone jewelry types. Mostly they went across the forehead. And they typically featured a prominent feather -- just like the Indian style.
It might have only been one instead of a full arrangement of feathers, and perhaps from an exotic species like ostrich or peacock, but the overall point was clear. Namely, we're no longer "Europeans living in America", we're Americans, and we're adapting the local culture, with our own little spin on it to make it our own, but even more so to distinguish ourselves from the Euros.
Euros at the time were also into flower garlands worn around the forehead, as part of Art Nouveau, but feathers? That's not part of the ancient heritage of Europe, like flowers and other plants worn as a crown.
True -- we're not in Europe anymore, we're adapting a different tradition of natural headbands -- from a fauna source, rather than flora. The Indians here used feathers rather than flowers -- well, then, feathers it is! (And flowers, too, but especially feathers.)
Style icon Debbie Harry from Blondie tying together, as it were, several strands of the headband tradition, during a performance on Midnight Special in 1979.
ReplyDeletehttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1SYKNq3oYUg
First, an homage to 1920s Jazz Age styles, by sporting a bob hairdo and wearing a tube-shaped dress (or rather, a romper).
Second, taking part in au courant disco trends, like the tube or column dresses by Yves Saint Laurent and Halston, as part of a Jazz Age revival, which began around '74 with Hollywood productions of The Great Gatsby and Murder on the Orient Express. The curvaceous Midcentury shapes were followed by straight-down silhouettes during the disco era, which revived the wild-and-crazy dance-fever nightlife of the Roaring Twenties. The headband was the perfect item to adapt to the neo-Jazz Age.
Third, paving the way for New Wave in the '80s, as Blondie were more on the rock side than R&B, funk, and other genres with big-band levels of instrumentation that characterized the disco sound. Her costume is fairly simplified, according to the stripped-down aesthetic of punk and New Wave, not as elaborate and embellished as other disco-era outfits.
Finally, preserving the hippie / boho spirit of the late '60s and early '70s, even though the counter-culture was just about dead and buried by '79. She emphasized this connection with the spoken-word message, delivered in the middle of the song, against nuclear power. (This was the same years as the Three Mile Island disaster.)
Not everyone in punk and New Wave was a hippie-hater. Joey Ramone was a hippie at heart, as was Debbie Harry, and even miss "Bad Reputation" herself, Joan Jett recorded a hard-edged yet plaintive and pining cover of "Crimson and Clover" in '81.
Speaking of which, Joan Jett with sweatband and dual wristbands... hachi machi!
https://i.pinimg.com/736x/fd/56/45/fd5645387825f28aae9571dd81398b55.jpg
You can't be a style icon in America without wearing a headband at some point. ^_^
Debbie Harry was a literal hippie! I never knew that before Blondie, she was in a psychedelic folk band, The Wind in the Willows -- how's *that* for a late '60s name? ^_^ She was born in 1945, before the Boomers, so she was the prime age for the hippie scene (Boomers only watched it on TV, being too young).
ReplyDeletehttps://www.artsy.net/artwork/steven-schlesinger-debbie-harry-and-wind-in-the-willows-1966
https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEirUtVw5Wbv4GtFBU99AYyK3r_Vu4E4EKI6aD49K98eJPNqEHJSzc9JONHDwKzpsujoXBGIfWbJixXUvj0nq6FwY6MBiDFWbVEQwphbg2HJFiecS4musRz4tjKcRl2vid5vg_4-F7ikrWo/s1600/2775c3f6e9e03def1deb656c4994c329.jpg
Well, her musical sensibilities may have changed, but she was clearly felt some other part of the Summer of Love was worth preserving, and tended the eternal flame of the headband, long after the counter-culture had bitten the dust.
We've already touched on the '80s, but here are some more from the headband's transition into a more athletic / sporty accessory. It may not have been as recognizably Native American anymore, but that's part of the inevitable evolution of it from a pure borrowing at the outset, to something that's uniquely its own thing in a mature stage.
ReplyDeleteThe most iconic of the aerobics-era headbands, the 1981 music video for "Physical" by Olivia Newton-John.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vWz9VN40nCA
1982 ad for Adidas, "Love your body, flash Adidas". Showing a very free-spirited girl being carried on a guy's shoulders, while she covers his eyes, both of them being trust games and testifying to how cooperative the nation still was. They're in an outdoor setting, not some hi-tech gym, they're moving their bodies around and being active, not being decadent bedrotters or doomscrollers, and the whole message about "love your body" and baring it to others -- very hippy-dippy. ^_^
https://www.alamy.com/1982-adidas-ad-love-your-body-flash-adidas-image604845921.html
Yet again, Debbie Harry, in Videodrome from 1983, predicting a future fashion trend of 2 headbands worn at the same time. Also, the H.R. Giger cover of her 1981 solo album, KooKoo, channeling the Jazz Age circlet and slick hair.
https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcRzeQqMJ-jqjJpmntRzvOV2n0jaO2Li-4Xip4Woh3a1uQ
https://i0.wp.com/longlivevinyl.net/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/Screen-Shot-2018-09-17-at-11.42.52.png
Was this just a figment of the imagination of show business and advertisers? No, movies and TV and pop music are documentaries of their zeitgeist. Here's a news clip of the opening night of Return of the Jedi in San Diego, 1983, where one of the patrons is a real-life blonde babe with a headband prominently worn across her forehead. Some attendees showed their creative side by constructing a Star Wars costume to wear -- others just needed to throw on their headband to express their free-spirited, all-American identity. ^_^
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5uOt7pPluLg
American Japanophilia intersected with our adoption of the headband, whereby we came to view the Japanese headband ("hachimaki") as *the* definitive Far East martial arts headband. Carl Douglas popularized the headband in promo videos for his disco hit song "Kung Fu Fighting", but China and kung fu only go so far in America -- it really has to be about Japan and karate, for it to catch on here.
ReplyDeleteAnd so it did in 1984 with The Karate Kid, in which Mr. Miyagi gives Daniel an Okinawan-style hachimaki, white cloth with a blue flower design in the center -- tying back, in the American mind, to "wear some flowers in your hair". Back to nature, flower child, the wisdom of the Far East, Zen Buddhism... somehow it all tied together, and was distinct from the modern sweatband for the aerobicizers working out to their Buns of Steel videotape in the VCR.
https://www.slashfilm.com/img/gallery/the-karate-kid-headband-came-from-an-improvised-moment-during-an-audition-with-pat-morita/intro-1666817149.jpg
The love of headbands in Glorious Nippon actually goes back to their ethnogenesis a couple thousand years ago. Long before the red headband with long tails worn by Ryu from Street Fighter II, and centuries before the samurai used them inside their helmets, women in the Kofun era (mid-1st millennium AD) were sporting them:
https://note.com/art_history_ch/n/n0625a421866b?hl=en
And a 3rd C AD Chinese chronicle about the Japanese culture, Wajinden, noted that men wore cloth headbands that they tied around their heads in order to keep their hair back (which means they were worn horizontally across the forehead), and did not wear other hats or caps on top. So those would have looked exactly like the Southwest and Pacific Coast Native American styles that we gravitated to in America.
Japanese ultimately belongs to the Wa-Dene-Yeniseian family of languages, and it makes me wonder if their penchant for headbands as a cultural in-group marker is part of that shared heritage across the Pacific as well. At least on the northern side of the Western Pacific, i.e. Siberia, where the Wa people were originally from before settling into the Japanese islands.
Regardless of whether the Japanese and Pacific Coast Native American headband traditions share a common ancestor, or are independent developments, Americans treated them the same -- something that we could borrow and adapt to be distinctly non-European, New World, and Pacific.
Much as Mexicans feel awkward donning the geometric beaded headbands of their Aztec ancestors, Japanese people don't feel like wearing a hachimaki on a typical day being out and about. Maybe for a special occasion, where traditional clothing is called for, but not on a typical day.
They could totally adapt it to their current tastes, though, just like Americans did. It may not look exactly like the traditional style, but it will clearly resemble it, remind themselves of the traditional style. But it'll be more like the carefree Americans of the '70s and '80s wearing a cloth band across their forehead -- something to add a little pizzazz to the daily outfit. Something fun and cool.
Flower-children in the Land of the Rising Sun -- I can totally see it! ^_^
Japan has also preserved the backwards hat better than its American inventor has -- sadly typical of our collapsing shithole empire.
ReplyDeleteAnd Japan immediately adopted the backwards hat in the '90s, with Ness from Earthbound wearing one, to signal his independent / free-spirited / adventurous curiosity.
And Ash Ketchum from this minor series you might've heard of called POKEMON, who used his backwards hat as a modern-day karate hachimaki, to signal he was about to kick some serious ass when he turned his hat backwards.
The protag from Harvest Moon 64 wears a backwards hat, tying into the "back to nature" theme and hippie / Native American headbands. I was reminded of this from Nerissa's stream of the game last night -- and she even used a thumbnail image of herself wearing a backwards hat! ^_^
Speaking of vtubers, female characters, too, continue to sport backwards hats right up through the present vtuber phenomenon -- most notably on Subaru, to support her tomboy image.
But it's more than just a visual or fashion choice, it's meant to reassure the male audience that she isn't a typical girl who has a clique of girl friends who are going to subject you to a multi-round interview process, just to see if you're good enough to be her friend. She will interact with you one-on-one, and be her own judge of your character, since she's socially independent. The backwards hat is a signal of that social independence.
She has girl friends, of course, but a girl who wears a backwards hat is comfortable leaving her girl group for awhile, and just chatting and having fun with guys. That is very anxiety-reducing for guys who get nervous in the presence of too much estrogen.
In America over the past couple decades, a girl wearing a backwards hat, on the rare occasion that it does happen, is meant to support an image of her being haughty, superior, looking down on other girls, and being hostile and confrontational toward guys. It's anti-social, and is revealed by the smug, smirking, stone-faced facial expression. Back in the socially harmonious '90s, and still today in Glorious Nippon, a backwards hat girl wears a smile on her face, is excited to be around others, and is extraverted rather than stand-off-ish. She's just socially independent and free-spirited, not anti-social and condescending.
Leave it to Japan to act as the Noah's Ark for anything good that America ever created. But like I said, Japan has been wearing headbands for 2000 years or longer, so they probably viewed the American backwards hat as us being late to the party, but a welcome guest, hehe. And they eagerly adopted our version of the "band across the forehead". Especially after we adopted their karate hachimaki. One fun-loving borrowing deserves another. ^_^
Now for the various types of men's headbands that became popular in the wake of the '60s and early '70s counter-culture. First was the outlaw biker look, which grew right out of that environment.
ReplyDeleteFrom there, it joined the rock music uniform, usually red and usually taller than the hippie type, but still not covering the top of the head. Bruce Springsteen was an early adopter in '84, as part of his "Born in the USA" era look:
https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcS00nExIKtqG4I39rXV6p2Phwk0N7212MZMrkp097dr7g&s=10
Mark Knopfler from Dire Straits with a nod to the '80s sweatband:
https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/mark-knopfler-performing-with-dire-straits-wearing-headband-news-photo/85840991
Steven Tyler from Aerosmith with a more wild-and-crazy color / pattern combo:
https://media.gettyimages.com/id/528656728/photo/steven-tyler-wearing-a-headband-and-parrot-pin.jpg?s=594x594&w=gi&k=20&c=cUj32jyhWHWEnI6bkQKjeYncOccyMdMnX8fYCqpJXAk=
Axl Rose from Guns N' Roses:
https://defendingaxlrose.com/wp-content/uploads/2011/12/axlroseaxlrose5.jpeg
Bon Jovi:
https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcQ_SD3JWKXfkf-uIqnQqRpjgRiAk5q7Aq44F70CexPfJA
Bret Michaels from Poison:
https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcTRJ5ExNZKnvkxIZCyVpjjVrE8awbdLmhAp6fnxSRks5A
And on and on and on...
Brand from The Goonies, as part of his '80s exercise look (gym shorts over sweatpants), did not opt for the standard sweatband, but mixed in a rolled red bandana that is more from the biker / rocker costume:
ReplyDeletehttps://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcSY8CXP3qmMIiZkYC6rnC6-LMxKTY40Rd_Ue-aIXd4hJw
The other major men's headband was the Vietnam-era soldier, which is anachronistic since Americans did not wear headbands in the actual war. This was a case of poetic license from Hollywood movies from the late '70s and '80s, when the Vietnam War became a recurring piece of subject matter.
ReplyDeleteThe idea was to mix in the counter-cultural uniform with the soldier's uniform, to suggest that at least some of the soldiers were not just unwilling but perhaps anti-war and drafted against their will. And to show without telling that the disciplinary system had so fractured apart, being on the other side of the world, that their superiors were incapable of enforcing strict uniform appearance, to the extent that they were openly wearing items from the enemy's uniform -- domestic enemies from the anti-war counter-culture.
The earliest example of the headband-in-Vietnam is one of the earliest examples of the new Vietnam genre as a whole, The Deer Hunter from 1978:
https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcTL6aKG0EI7niuDg6inKAnDu2k69ZTye5GCzidW3KwmpQ
https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcRoC3yzOrgJugIqF0sFS9VK8YcK2fQIvxLuYiO867JBPw
Apocalypse Now has a photojournalist wearing a red headband, but he's not a soldier, so I don't think that really counts.
The characters in Alien were not military, but once it's them vs. the alien, it does take on a military feel. Dennis wears a blue headband, not the usual red, perhaps to match the cool and subdued color palette of the ship overall.
https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcQAWsvuHO8lOTPW_1UTjCEVX7SkuHiayaYyK_zmgOHFBg
The sequel, Aliens, was a Vietnam movie set in outer space, and to show she's as badass as the men, Vasquez wears a rolled red bandana as though she were from a biker gang.
https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcReKgfA9UqJIq40oioVp6NGc_EtdgDIhQo54mi6jCLy_A
Platoon shows Charlie Sheen's character wearing the rolled red bandana, and Willem Dafoe's character wearing an olive drab one.
https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcSBOS6Tgw9_1b3fzGrlRvmfNe2EEL5uWb4K6UmWHBE-tA
https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcTYy5dxIGuLffQZwwMnnxwUKgpRGpM1-nSviWGW7At0RA
Full Metal Jacket aimed for verisimilitude, for the "reality is more surreal than fiction" effect. No headbands are worn in it.
Probably the most iconic of the '80s Vietnam-related movies is First Blood and its sequel, where Rambo's transformation from drifter to revenger involves a costume change where he fashions an impromptu headband with dangling tails, to suggest the karate hachimaki (not Vietnamese, but it's poetic license). In the first movie, it's made from olive drab canvas, which is what he had available, whereas in the sequel where he has time to prepare for a return to Vietnam, it's a blood-red color for dramatic emphasis.
https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcQoUEHiTy-krGIs07Le8AqXSGCR4fyMak7RQ3iKIembPQ
https://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcTy07yh78ZQQTfAaCaAMvVNyRwxkySZp-jQD7N4VVKKSQ
Given the Far Eastern setting of the Vietnam War, the Japanese hachimaki from the martial arts trend crossed over into the soldier trend. Vietnamese don't actually wear headbands like that, but it's the Far East, so anything evocative of the broad Pacific coast of Asia will naturally call to mind others like it.
Can't forget Willie Nelson, who brought the headband into the Country / Western scene:
ReplyDeletehttps://encrypted-tbn0.gstatic.com/images?q=tbn:ANd9GcSF47_Rhwqi956UzeSsA4dIHTzf12xJ-jy-aZzesEU4WQ